cutions, excite the spirit of wrath and violence, before which these unfortunate men fled in dismay? The relentless foes of the Institution have not dared to allege or insinuate such a charge against it.

Suppose these unhappy men had fled to this city, and requested their Anti-Slavery friends to afford them an asylum, and the means of subsistence, and they had replied, we cannot receive you the people of Virginia had no right to force you away; we will not in any way countenance their measures against you. Return and stand upon your natural and inalienable rights. Would not every unperverted mind have felt the inhumanity of such conduct? Yet the Colonization Society is guilty only of showing kindness to these people, at a time when they looked elsewhere for relief in vain.

My respected friend, Dr. Cox, (whose originality of genius, and nobleness of heart, no one more highly appreciates than myself,) has taken his position against the Society, in consequence of evidence first exhibited to him in England, which he has found ample reason since, to believe cor-rect, "that the colored people of this country as a whole, and almost to a man, are utterly opposed to its system." This objection alone he regards as conclusive and invincible. Were the fact assumed, admitted, which it is not, the argument would be this only; a majority of the people of colour are opposed to colonization: therefore, such as approve it, should not be assisted to emigrate. I see not the force of the argument. Why should the liberty of the free colored man who chooses to settle in Africa, or my liberty to assist him, be abridged by the opinion of a majority, or of all his brethren? If the fact that some men of colour wish to remain in this country, be a reason why all should remain, is not the fact that some wish to emigrate a reason why all should emigrate? But I deny the fact assumed. More than three thousand colored persons have voluntarily emigrated to Liberia, and at nearly every period since the existence of the Society, have applicants for a passage been more than it has had funds to aid.— I know that in this city and the Northern States, the people of colour, generally, are hostile to the scheme. But the opinions of these, opinions mostly and mainly formed under the influence of those, who, to speak with the utmost charity, have mistakenly represented the Society as unfriendly to the best interests of their race, as the ally and defender of slavery, cannot be regarded as the unbiassed judgment of our colored population, and if they were, those who think such judgment erroneous, have the same right with those who think otherwise, to express their views and exert their influence in the case.

But the opposition to the Society arises less from what it does, than from that which it does not. The establishment of Christian colonies of free colored men, disposed to emigrate, in Africa, might be forgiven, did the Society exert that influence, or rather did it not stand in the way of that influence which is deemed the appropriate and only remedy for slavery. It is said that the Society obstructs emancipation. A pamphlet has been published in England, entitled "The Extinction of the American Colonization Society, the first step towards the abolition of slavery." The question, then, of the moral influence of the Society on slavery is one most important, the discussion of which cannot, should not be avoided. True, the establishment of Christian States in Africa is an object of magnitude, and motive enough to animate all Christian hearts, yet if to effect it, be to prevent, or even greatly retard the voluntary and peaceful abolition of siavery, it may be secured at too great a price.

The Colonization Society exerts a powerful moral influence, favorable to the abolition of slavery, because it attempts to exert no other influence.The people of the South recognize no right political or moral, in others

than themselves, to regulate, modify, or abolish slavery, and they justly deem any efforts to coerce them to abolish it, as a violation both of the spirit and letter of the Constitution. The Colonization Society by abstaining from all measures, which, in the judgment of the South, endanger the public safety, gains the confidence of the people, and secures from them a candid consideration of the truth, in regard to the interests and claims of our colored population."

We must respect the rights and judgment, even if erroneous, of those in power, would we plead successfully for those who suffer from it. "We must plead for the oppressed, not to them."

By uniting on a common ground, and for a common object of humanity to the people of colour, the wise and good of every State of the Union, the Society is producing that state of public sentiment, from which alone can result the peaceful abolition of slavery. It is by bringing the benevolent of the land to meet on some common principle, and for an unexceptionable purpose, relating to the people of colour, that a friendly interchange of thoughts and opinions is secured, that discussion, calm and dispassionate in regard to their interests and prospects is produced, and thus all elements set in motion for the formation of sober and correct opinions. To prevent men from forming wrong opinions is often important towards leading them to adopt right ones. Having taken sides on any question, they are seldom converted by controversy. We grant to our own reason what we will not yield to the dogmas of another. In the liberty of our will, only, do we obey the truth. Truth is best heard in the silence of the passions.

The operations of the Society are awakening in the Southern mind sympathies, associations, trains of thought, which are the germs of great and noble actions. They appeal eloquently to all the generosity, to all the justice of our nature. Every notice of Liberia, every ship that sails thither, every slave manumitted to go there, pleads the cause of human freedom. Examples of emancipation, have an effect more powerful, than all the fulminating denunciations of the wrathful; and like example, the influence of the Society takes effect, because it leaves no apology for resistance in the conscience or judgment of its enemies. In warring with it, they must war against themselves.

The measures of the Society tend to elevate most surely and rapidly a community of men of colour, who may exhibit to the whole world the capabilities of the colored race for high moral and social improvement, and for self-government,

But

No reflecting man, I think, can believe, that in these respects, as a community, they will surely and rapidly rise here. I say nothing of the causes which prevent it. In every way would I gladly aid their improvement, But I must give up my reason, to expect, that to any considerable extent, they will be rapidly improved. Almost every thing is against them. in Liberia, every thing is adapted to unfetter their minds, to awaken their enterprise, kindle their hopes, stimulate industry, rouse them to action.— As a people they need to be thrown, chiefly, upon their own resources; they want motives for intellectual energy, and noble conduct. What circumstances can do for human character, we read in the history of our country. What they had done, Mr. Burke saw and admired before our Revolution, when in allusion to the commercial enterprise of the New England colonies he exclaimed, "What in the world is equal to it? While you are looking for these hardy adventurers in the arctic circle and among the tumbling mountains of ice, they are at the antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent of the South. While some draw the line and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others are pursuing their gigantic game along the coast of brazil. No sea but what is vexed with their fisheries, no cli

mate which is not witness to their toils. Falkland Island, that seemed too remote an object for the grasp of national ambition, is but a stage and a resting-place in the progress of their victorious industry." Human nature is of all countries and ages, and what has elevated it here may ennoble it in Africa. If in vanquishing opposition, in surmounting obstacles, in subduing the hardness and taming the wildness of unintelligent nature, making her to pay tribute to civilization, and her wilderness to become fruitful fields, our minds have gained power, will the people of colour gain nothing from a like discipline. It is yet to be seen whether their experience will prove an anomaly in the history of men. And to elevate the man of colour in one part of the world is to do a general benefit to his race. That the Colonization Society exerts a powerful moral influence, favorable to emancipation, is, as far as I know, the unanimous opinion of the friends of the colored people at the South. Their opinion is, also, that the present Anti-Slavery measures at the North retard emancipation. Is no value to be attached to their judgment in the case?

The friends and foes of the Society profess equally to adopt, as their rule of conduct, the precepts of Christ. In regard to Slavery, as in regard to all other great moral and political evils, I agree generally with Dr. Cox, that the remedy is the "genuine influence of the Gospel of Christ." But I deny that this can prove instantly, and wholly effectual. For some of the physical evils of the world, even such as have originated in moral causes, there is no immediate remedy. It is remarked by Coleridge, that an evil which has come on gradually, and in the growth of which, all men have, more or less, conspired, cannot be removed otherwise than gradually, and by the joint efforts of all." It is impossible, instantly, to render the ignorant enlightened, the poor independent, and the long degraded and oppressed qualified for all the immunities and privileges of self-government. The general prevalence of Christianity would not render this possible. But experience forbids the hope, that Christianity will at once pervade all hearts, and genuine Christians often find their duties more or less modified by the circumstances of the society in which they are placed, by the characters and actions of those who constitute that society.

The perfect law of liberty, "thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself," is designed to be the law of order in the world, comprehending, regulating, controling all the duties of man to man. It refers each individual to his own bosom, for a standard by which he may judge of his neighbour's claims on him; his own self-regard is to be the measure of his charity.Rightly interpreted, this law makes it no duty for a man, to treat all other men alike, to treat them as they may desire to be treated, or to deem one man's interest as valuable as that of many. He is bound to treat every other man as his conscience decides, he might reasonably expect that other to treat him, in an exchange of circumstances. He must estimate other men's interests in society, as he would reasonably expect his own to be estimated, were he in their condition. Governments are ordained of God for the good of men. But those who administer them, must regard the general good as paramount to that of individuals. If, as is remarked by South, "in the government of the visible world, the Supreme Wisdom it self, submits to be the author of the better; not of the best, but of the best possible, in the existing relations; much more must all human legislators give way to many evils, rather than encourage the discontent that would lead to worse remedies." "Salus populi suprema lex," is founded in the law of nature, and of Christ. The governing MIND, in the body politic, is morally bound to take care for the safety and life of the body. If evils exist, if the system be diseased, this MIND must judge of the particular remedies, the time and mode of their application, and that the general body

When

be not endangered by the suddenness or violence of their action. men are born into a state of society, unnaturally constituted, they must take things as they are, and endeavour to make them as they should be,

hout needless delay, and by all practicable means. Those who have the power, must exercise it benevolently, as in the sight of God, and responsible to Him. Whatever there may be in the Slavery of the South, that violates the law of Christian love, and I believe there is much, is to be unhesitatingly condemned. Of the system, I cannot better express my own views than in the words of the illustrious Robert Hall:

"Slavery, considered as a perpetual state, is as incapable of vindication as the trade in slaves; they are integral parts of the same system, and in point of moral estimate, must stand or fall together."

"But here we are most anxious to guard against the misrepresentation of our sentiments. Convinced, as we are, that negro slavery is most iniquitous in its origin, most mischievous in its effects, and diametrically opposite to the genius of the British Constitution, we are yet far from proposing a sudden revolution. Universal experience shows, that in the body politic, no less than in the natural, inveterate diseases admit only of a słow and gradual cure; and we should deprecate an immediate emancipation, almost as much as the planters themselves, from a full conviction that the debasing operation of slavery, long continued, disqualifies its subjects for performing the functions and enjoying the immunities of a free citizen."

While the Christian religion lends no sanction to the system, it lends none to measures tending to its sudden and violent overthrow. It developes principles, and inculcates precepts, which will certainly remedy it, when their influence becomes general in any community, and it is the glory of our religion, that the whole process of its operations is beneficial, as well as the END, towards which the whole process tends. It prompts "every man to measure his efforts by his power, and his sphere of action, and do all he can do," for mankind; and society to do the same. Its great and benevolent revolutions are begun in the individual soul. It enlightens the conscience, sways the will, and softens the heart. Its meek disciple is commanded to withdraw from "the strifes of words, the railings, the evil surmisings, the perverse disputings of men," who aggravate the sorrows of the suffering, increase the selfishness of the selfish, and pour oil upon the fires

of

revenge.

To a kind, fair and candid discussion of the slavery question, there can be no reasonable objection. It has been well said, "that half truths are the most dangerous of all errors;" and these must be "removed by the whole truth." The influence of the whole truth can never be injurious where the minds of men are capable of comprehending it.

That in the principles of the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North, is much error mixed with some truth; that the language and measures adopted to illustrate and defend them, are incapable of justification and tending to produce most fearful results, is among my clearest convictions. I deprecate them as hostile to the union of the States, to the best interests of the colored population, and as putting in jeopardy the peace and safety of whole communities at the South. I do not presume to question the motives of the members of these Societies; but I should be deaf to the voice of History, I should be blind to all the lights of human experience, I should forget the nature of man, could I believe their efforts were not adapted to stir the deepest and most terrible elements of society-elements which once wrought into fury, will shake the land, if not cover it with blood.— Reason is powerless in the hurricane of the passions.*

*The compound poisons used not unfrequently to excite discontent among the lower orders, who may suffer from the errors or the unequal operations of governments, are thus

governed people. The more abstract the notions were, wi affinity did they combine with the most fervent feelings and a diate impulses to action." God preserve us from the horrors when confidence between men shall no longer exist, and a and motives be absorbed in the instinct of self-preservation question, whether the principles of the Colonization Society, opposers, shall prevail, may depend, I humbly conceive, th happiness of the country.

Who will not rejoice to see rising on the shores of Afric State? A few small spots of light relieve the darkness of th nent, in which from sixty to one hundred millions, Pagans, and slaves, remain unvisited and unblest by the friends of m the citizens of a heathen Empire could not be insensible beauty of the sentiment expressed in the words "Homo su nihil, a me alienum puto," if knowledge, civilization, be of any use, surely an enlightened and religious peop want motives for building up in Africa a social fabric, repr the good to be realized from piety and liberty and law. They that from this fabric the light and voice of wisdom will go f the steps, reform the manners, cheer the hearts, revive the ho the souls of millions. With all its difficulties, misfortunes, pers beyond any thing in the history of colonization. Evils exist there, but they can and will be remedied. The material stitute it may be rude and unformed, but they will be wrough and beauty and strength. It has ever been the purpose of t this colony, that Christian education should keep pace with i And their confidence is, that established on right principles, ing a Christian character, it will regenerate the intellectual an of the people of Africa.

They rejoice that the benevolent, and particularly that the 1 large cities, have resolved to prepare teachers for Africa, ar

described by a foreign writer who has looked deeply into the springs of h 1st. "Bold, warm, and earnest assertions, it matters not whether suppo no; nay, though they should involve absurdities and demonstrable imposs 2nd. "Startling particular facts, which, dissevered from their context, convey falsehood while he says truth."

3rd. "Arguments built on passing events, and deriving an undue impor eelings of the moment."

4th. "The display of the defects without the accompanying advantages, 5th. "Concealment of the general ultimate result behind the scenery of icular consequences."

6th. "Statement of positions that are true under particular conditions, gnorance or fury make them forget that these conditions are not present, o ake for granted that they are."

7th. "Chains of questions, especially such questions as the persons bes