and that by diligent search such errors as men are liable to may be found among them, I shall not dispute it; and if any one shall say that some of its enemies are capable of exaggeration, and others of falsehood, I shall not dispute that. I leave all such questions to those who have leisure for them. I point you to Liberia. There it stands, upon the coast of Africa, a monument of the truth that negroes, and even negro slaves, can be made, and ought to be made, and we desire to make them, free citizens of a free community. By its very existence, it testifies this truth to all that pass by in ships, to all who consider where ships shall be sent; to all who consider, in what seas ships must be defended. It stands, or soon will stand, an intelligible monument of this truth, on the map of Africa, in the hands of every child who studies geography in any school on earth. Can this universal testimony, thus forced perpetually upon the notice of all men, fail to produce an effect? "The Society appeals directly and personally to every citizen of the United States, and of course to every slaveholder in the United States. It asks him to bestow his aid, and by bestowing his aid in removing slaves who are manumitted for this purpose, to bear his testimony to the truth, that negroes, negro slaves even, can be made, and ought to be made, and he desires to make them, free citizens of a free community. It asks him to bear this testimony by acting on this principle;-by doing what would be the veriest and most manifest folly imaginable, on any other principle. Can this appeal be thus universally and perpetually made, and especially, can slaveholders generally comply with it, without strengthening the principles by which slavery will be removed? "The Society appeals to you this night. As you have been officially informed, hundreds of slaves are waiting for freedom, only till the Society shall be enabled to colonize them. Only furnish the means, and they will be made free citizens of a free community. Show, then, by your deeds, how much confidence you have in the capacity of slaves to receive and enjoy the blessings of freedom, and how ardently you desire that it may be conferred upon them. The influence of what you shall do will not expire with the doing of the deed, or be limited to the direct recipients of your bounty. What you do will be matter of record: it will go abroad. It will be published to the ends of the land and of the earth. It will tell on public sentiment. In proportion as it shall show that you are in earnest, it will swell and strengthen the tide of right feeling which is to sweep slavery from our land and from the world. MANUMISSIONS. REV. AND DEAR SIR-Highly approving of the humane and benevolent object which the American Colonization Society has in view, rejoicing also in the wonderful success which has already attended its operations; I see, or think I see, a way opening up, for the liberation of that part of our population which has long been held in bondage; a way, in which their condition may be made much better. Permit me, Sir, through you, as the Secretary of this Society, to offer to it, for colonization, the servants under my care, whom I wish to liberate; they are four in number, and have all ex pressed a willingness to go and take up their abode in Liberia. The oldest is a female about twenty-one or two years of age, with a child two years old; the other two are her brother and sister-the brother about twelve and the sister about eight years of age. These are all that I own. My wish is to let them go this fall or winter, if the Society can take them. I wish to know of you, Sir, as soon as possible, whether the Society will accept of them; and if so, when it would be convenient for them to get a passage to the Colony, and where they would have to be sent, to be taken under the care of the Society. They are all young, and their habits of life not yet confirmed. As far as I can judge, they show a disposition of honesty, and are tolerably industrious. The grown girl can read, but not well, the others cannot. I promise to send them, free of expense to the Society, to any town or port within two or three hundred miles of this place, to which the Society shall direct them to be sent; and also to furnish them, or the Society for them, with as much money as will bear their expenses the first year, provided it does not exceed 15 or $20 a piece. I cannot bear the expense of their voyage. Please to answer my letter as soon as practicable; and let me know whether they will be received on these terms. May the Lord prosper your efforts in this great and glorious work. North Carolina, March 17, 1834. CONTRIBUTIONS To the American Colonization Society, during the month of March, 1834. Solomon Allen, Philadelphia, Theodore Frelinghuysen, New Jersey, Gerrit Smith's Second Plan of Subscription. Gerrit Smith, his first payinent, "Collections from Churches. Clarkson Presbyterian church, Rev. Mr. Furman, Hamilton, Ohio, Associated Reformed congregation, Rev. David Macdill, Jonesboro', Ten. Methodist Camp-Meeting, Lebanon, Maine, by Rev. James Weston, Leesburg, Ten. Presbyterian meeting, Ogden, N. Y. by Z. Čase, $100 100 200 1000 9 50 14 38 8 31 5 12 12 6 45 2 5 Parma, N. Y. Temperance Society, by Elder Gould, Price Creek and Lycoming congregations, by Rev. J. H. Grier, Troy, N. Y. at a meeting attended by Rev. Rev. R. R. Gurley, forwarded by Joseph Russell, Jedediah Tracy, Robert D. Silliman, John T. George Vail, David Buel, Senior, John D. Willand, Daniel G. Corning, D. O. Kellog, James Langworthy. Rev. Mark $35 210 50 Contributions received by the Rev. J. N. Danforth, heretofore omitted. Boston, Collection at St. Paul's church, by Rev. Mr. Stow, Brighton, Rev. Mr. Adams' congregation, to make him a life member, Cambridgeport, collection in Rev. Mr. Stearn's church, Marblehead, collection at Rev. Mr. Dana's church, collection at Rev. Mr. Briggs' church, New Lebanon, New York, collection at Rev. Mr. Churchhill's church, Peru, Rev. Mr. Brewster, donation, 30 Rev. Mr. Upham's church, Rev. Mr. Babcock's congregation, to make him a life member, Public Debate at the Lyceum, half the proceeds, Troy, N. Y. collection at Rev. Dr. Beman's church, Stockbridge, collection, Wellfleet, Mass. Sunday scholars, by E. Freeman, Winchendon, Rev. Mr. Clarke's Society, Windsor, Vermont, Rev. S. P. Arm's congregation, Worcester, Juvenile Sewing Society in Rev. Mr. Abbot's church, Rev. C. P. Russell, Agent for New Hampshire, Brockport, collection, S. M. Hopkins, Esq. $30; other gentlemen, $27 50, Hinsdale, Congregational church, Ithaca, First Presbyterian church, after address, Pittsfield, Mass. First Congregational church, Portsmouth, N. H. life subscription, ($15 being before paid,) Philadelphia, thirteen gentlemen in Mr. Furness' congregation, 2. 20 13 43 61 30 8 8.40 10 32 14 32 121 44 94 71 20 27 5 15 60 15 150 8 57 50 15. 67 72 77 52 27 45 8 25 2 50 50 06 15 55 Troy, a friend, $2; Dr. Beman's congregation, $17 27; Mrs. Burchard, $2, Collections made by J. G. Birney, Agent for the south-western District. This amount received at Rev. Mr. Clapp's church, a collection, Mississippi Colonization Society, 4 94 21 27 2 5 10 47 29 20 62 2,800 00 Donation "by two ladies," formerly residing in Miss., now in Philadelphia, 200 00 100 00 60 00 Tennessee Colonization Society, 350 00 Kentucky Col. Soc. through T. A. Mills, their Agent, in cash, Danville Col. Soc. thro' Mr. Mills, the Rev. Mr. Patton a life member, 30 00 45 00 1 50 Collection taken at Hazlegreen, Madison co. Tenn. Fourth of July, Donation of Colonization Society of negroes, slaves of the Indians, near 5 00 2.50 2. 00 20 00 64 00 By the REV. R. R. GURLEY, Secretary of the Society; most of which were delivered in the Middle Dutch Church, in the City of New York, on the evening of April 23, 1834. THE question which I propose to discuss, is one of the greatest which ever has been, or can be, submitted to the consideration of the American People. Ever since the deluge, Slavery has existed in large portions of the world; and for more than three centuries, been encouraged in Africa by the slave trade, prosecuted until recently, with all circumstances of crime and cruelty, by nearly, if not all, the civilized powers of the world. Of those who have been consigned by this traffic to inexorable bondage, (ten or twelve millions at least,) nearly one-half, have been doomed to their miseries for no alleged crime, and by no law or tribunal of their own country. Long before the Revolution, slaves were introduced into this country by the commerce of England, and subsequently their numbers greatly increased by the inhuman enterprise of the American Colonies. But up to the time when slavery was forced extensively upon our shores, by the Mother Country, the people of America, foreseeing the sad consequences to posterity, sought protection therefrom, by petitions and appeals, both to the Parliament and the Throne. But the evil came extensively upon us; it grew with our growth, and strengthened with our strength, and became inwrought in the interests, habits and frame of society. It pervaded the whole social and political organization and constitution in many of the Colonies, and affected all the relations and operations of men. The Constitution of the United States, adopted as the common bond o a National Government, formed by the people of the several States, States independent to the moment of its adoption, leaves slavery where it found it, except that by the Union it creates, peculiar facilities are afforded for the diffusion of correct sentiments on the subject, and in the government established, powers vested, adequate (and at the request of those most interested, capable of being applied,) to remedy the evil. Of the two millions of colored persons in the United States, the great body are in slavery in the Southern and Southwestern States; the free people of colour amounting in all, to less than three hundred thousand. The unfortunate condition of both classes, has long excited the benevolence of many minds, and what measures should be adopted to relieve their miseries and elevate their character, been a subject of deep reflection.That they have been too generally and criminally neglected, is unquestionable. That the free enjoy few of the benefits of freedom,-that the slaves are uneducated, degraded, and suffer from laws rigorous and oppressive, is clear. But Africa, with her uncounted, countless (I had almost said,) population, ignorant, debased, enslaved, opens before us her vast domain, where cunning has imposed on credulity, and flattery betrayed the innocent, avarice fettered the brave, and power crushed the weak; where all faith has been violated, all mercy forgotten; where Ruin walks abroad, amid the bounties of nature, and Despair hides in dim eclipse her glories. Africa then claims redress for her wrongs, and the sighs of her afflicted children come to us on every breeze. The whole African race, then, should be included within the circuit of our sympathies and charities. The American Colonization Society had its origin in humane and benevolent sentiments towards the colored race. The characters of its founders, place their motives beyond suspicion, in the judgment of candid and liberal minds. Many of them, removed by death, have left enduring memorials of their love to God and man. I hope to show that their principles were as pure as their intentions. The object of the Society is, to colonize, with their own consent, in Africa, or elsewhere, the free people of colour of the United States, and to act for this object in co-operation with the General Government, or such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject. Will any one say, that because the Society will co-operate with the National Government, or the States, to effect its exclusive object, colonizing the free people of colour with their consent, it may co-operate for an object directly the reverse, colonizing them without their consent? Yet those who make it their chief concern to destroy the reputation of the Society, represent its scheme as one for coercing away, for expatriating our whole colored population. This is as reasonable, as true, (and no more so,) as to represent that those who judge it best for the people of colour to remain here, deny them the liberty of removal. If the maintenance of the opinion, that the voluntary separation of the colored and white races be desirable, is to force the colored race away, the maintenance of the opinion, that their continuance with us is desirable, is to force them to remain. If the Colonization Society believes such separation will promote the interests of all parties concerned, the cause of human improvement and freedom and happiness, it may as rightfully exert a moral influence to effect this object, as those who think their continued residence with us is desirable, may exert such influence to effect their object. As to physical and legislative powers, they belong to no association of individuals disconnected from Government, and no such association can be held morally responsible for the opinions or acts of Government, any further than such opinions or acts can be shown to be the fruits of its moral influence. How can a Society, bound by its first principles to colonize persons only with their own consent, tend to expel them against their will from the country. But it is asked, did not the Colonization Society, after the insurrection in Southampton, Va., receive and transport to Liberia at their own request, free persons of colour, compelled to seek some refuge from the indignation kindled by the outrages there perpetrated, of horror and blood? Certainly. But did the Society arouse the vindictive passions, urge on the perse |