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£. 8. d To cash received from Rev. Wm. S. Gilly, Durham,
2 00 From “D. M. L." per J. Miller,
100 From Cash, per Joseph Cash, Esq.
• 1 0 0 From Mary Harford, Ipswich,
100 From Rev. J. Eyre, Beverley,
• 0 11 0 From George Cookman, Esq. Hull,
1 00 From Miss Fludyer, London,
0 10 0 From J. Wilson, Islington,
0 10 0 From Miss Larkin, per P. Coar, .
. 010 0 From Rev. J. Clapp, Cirencester,
1 10 From Mrs. Roberts, Newcastle,
• 1 0 0 From Mrs. and Miss Stovin, Chesterfield,
1 0 0 From Rev. F. Blood, Dublin, •
1 0 0
From L. Marshall, . .' . - 0 10 0 10 6 O To cash received from Rev. Geo. B. Kidd, Scarborough, viz
Wm. D. Thornton, Esq. - - - 10 10 0
. . . 5 00
vans life subscribers, - - 16 30- 31 From Rt. Hon. Lord Bexley, from "M. H. A.”
10 per Thos. Pickslay, amount of Lincoln subscriptions, (no particulars given) · . • .
14 8 Bructon Gibbins Esq. Birmingham,
5 00 T. B. Buxton, Esq. near do. - - - - - 1 10 B. Brantford, Florden, near Norwich,
100 To cash received from Wm. Geary, Norwich, .
. . i 00 o A. Blackie, Esq. Aberdeen, amount of collections and subscriptions paid to him as Tr.
- 18 12 3
£ 1450 17 7 In addition to the above, E. C. has paid to Ladies' Association of Philadelphia,
Auxiliary to the American Colonization Society, Hon. Mrs. Vansittart's
• • 21 00 Hannah Mennell's do.
10 00 31 00 And to Washington Davis, this sum sent by Wm. Felkin, Esq. of Nottingham, 4 10 0 E. C. also holds Lord Bexley's subscription in aid of building an Episcopal - Church in Liberia, .
50 ODS And from R. Bevan, Esq. for use of Dr. McDowall, -
10 00 Independently of the above, the Pennsylvania Branch received (and all items
of which have been long since acknowledged by the A. C. S.) from R. Barclay, late of Bury Hill,
100 OQ Subscriptions received through kind exertions of R. D. Alexander, of Ipswich, - - -
593 54 R. D. A.'s own subscription, per E. Cresson,
6 15 0 600 0 4 Grand total,
£2246 7 11 Some subscriptions have not yet been received from distant parts of England, and some persons have declined paying theirs.
' LETTER FROM JEREMIAH HUBBARD, Of Guilford County, N. C. and Clerk of the Yearly Meeting of Friends of
that State, dated 3d month, 4th, 1031, to a Friend in England.
Dear Friend:-I am induced to write to thee on the subject of colonizing the people of colour of the United Siates, in Africa, from an appre. heusion that I have had for several years pist, (and from recent intorniation I have been contirned that I was not mistaken,) that there are some Friends in England who are much opposed to the plan of the Colonization Society; and although I do you know from any direct or definite information, what is the ground of their objection, I suppose that they think it would be more (orisistent with Christian principles, to emancipate them in the southern States, and let them remain here, as they have done in the northern States. I apprehend that Friends in England are liot fully apprized of some inportant circumstances relative to the subject, which places the $0.1 heru States in a very different situation from the northern. In the first place, there never were so many people of colour in the forthi'sn States as There are in the Southern; and another circumstance that diminished then there, and increased thein greatly here, was, while the northern Status were legislating on the subject of gradual emancipation, a variojous masiers sent them by thousands to the southern markets, before the emancipating laws were actually passed; which lelt a small proportion in those States, in comparison to the whites; not many more, perhaps, than they were willing to hive for labourers, waiting-m-11, waiting-women, &c. And notwithstanding they liave freed their slaves, for wlijch they are vititled to ap. plause, yet they never dreamed, as the saying is, of raising them to equal citizenship and privileges with the white people. No, my friend, they can 1more reconcile to themselves the idea of sitting down by the side of a colonied African, in any legislative or judiciarı dejartment, than the high spirited southern slaveholder; and not only so, but they never intend to admit them to these privileges, while the State Governments and the United States' Goverment continue in existence. Notwithstanding this, there are soine highly prof ssing philanthropi.ts that are mightily opposed to colonization in Africa; and some of these have used their endeavours to preju. dice the people of England against the Colonization Society; and have perhaps succeeded in some degree, mainly, I appreliend, by missi presente ing the views and operations or effects of the Society on the subject of sla
very in the slave States. They appear to me to have been actuated in some degree at least by a spirit of envy or revenge at the growing approbation of the Society both in the North and the South, or it may be for the want of capacity fully to understand and comprehend the vastly capacious and benevolent enterprise in all its bearings and effects, in the past, present, and future times, not only on the community at large of the United States, both of the whites and people of colour; but upon the civilization and happiness of the millions on the continent of Africa. They have also succeed. ed in influencing many of the people of colour in the northern States to be much opposed to emigrating to Africa, and to the Colonization Society, which is an evident mark of their degradation, effected by their long continuance in that ipferior sphere of action to which their condition and striking difference of features and colour have subjected them under the prejudices of the whites. The white people, content that they have emancipated them from slavery, are trying to give some of them some education, although, as I have said before, they never intend to admit them to an equality with themselves; no, not even a Newton, a Cæsar, or a Demosthenes, if they were descended of the sable African or Negro race, would be thus equalized. Alibough I apprehend that the English people are not so deeply prejudiced against the African race, as the people of the United States, yet I suppose they have enough of it, not to admit them to an equality with themselves in all respects; and that if there were as many of the African race in England, in proportion to the white people, as there are in the United States, and particularly in the southern States, there would be but one voice, and that would be for colonizing them somewhere. You might prefer Canada to Africa; but Friends here greatly prefer Africa, as being more congenial to their nature and constitution, and for several other substantial reasons. When the British Government had but about one thousand of them at the close of the American Revolution; as well as I remember from the page of history, they colonized them at Sierra Leone; and although that colony has failed in some particulars, of effecting what was expected by its founders, yet I apprehend it has not been owing to the want of capacity in the colonists, or the want of congeniality in the soil and climate of Africa to them, but for the want of a proper fostering care of its founders or their successors. And as it has been an asylum for the slaves recaptured by the British Government, they ought to make it as pleasant as they can: if they do, Sierra Leone may yet flourish, and prove a great blessing to Africa.
But the Colony of Liberia has exceeded in its progress, both in civil and political character, in numbers and territory, beyond what its most sanguine friends could have rationally expected. It contains about three thousand colonists, and territory of about two hundred miles along the coast, about thirty miles wide; between four and five hundred recaptured slaves, restored to their country at the expense of the United States' Government; about one thousand manumitted slaves, that have gone with their own consent, and with the will and consent of their owners, since the colony was founded; and from information that I now have before me, there are not less than ten thousand willing to go to Liberia, and their masters willing to give them up, if the Colony was large enough to receive them, and the Society had sufficient funds for transporting and settling them in Africa. And probably there is twice that number now anxious to go. Nearly a thousand emigrated to Liberia in 1832, among which was a considerable number of manumitted slaves, from Baltimore, from Norfolk, from South Caroliria, from Kentucky, from Mississippi and other places. Two tribes of the natives have submitted to the Government of the Colony, from choice, and are sending their children to school among the colonists, and mingling with
them in their manners, labour and commerce, adopting their dress and language, and becoming civilized. It is also believed that the Colony possesses, by fair purchase and treaty with the neighbouring kings, territory sufficient to contain and support one million of inhabitants, as it becomes settled and cultivated by civilized people. It is believed the territory .contains about two hundred thousand natives, and that the two tribes above mentioned, contain from fifteen to twenty thousand, some think twentyfive thousand. Here may we not ask the opposers of the Colonization Society for a parallel in the page of history, of such successful progress of a colony, is so short a time, say ten or twelve years, under such a combination of apparently insurmountable difficulties? Or can they devise a more propitious plan for the total abolition of the slave trade, the civilization of Africa, and the extinction of slavery in the United States, than for the people and government to turn their energies, with their surplus revenue and their other abundant resources, for the support and growth of the Colony of Liberia? I am also of opinion, that the wealthy friends of humanity in England could not better apply a portion of that immense wealth that a bountiful Providence has been pleased to try them with, than to aid with it the Colonization Society, especially at the present time, when there are so many desirous to emigrate, and cannot for want of funds. As Great Britain had as large a share in the sin of bringing those people to America, as we or any other nation have had, or larger perhaps, her noble sons of liberty and christian philanthropy ought to be willing to do their part in restoring ihem to their own country, or the land of their fathers, with the blessings of civilization and the enlightening influences of Christianity; although Wilberforce and several other good men have expressed a different opinion, that is, with respect to the people of England aiding by donations the Colonization Society in America. In making these remarks I bave no partial views to the Society of Friends here or in England; nor to the people of colour under our care, but the general good of both the whites and The people of colour here and elsewhere.
I will now state more definitely the situation of the southern States from the northern, with respect to the general emancipation of the people of colour, to remain with the whites. The number of blacks exceed the whites, in about one-half of each of the southern States; say from one hundred miles to one hundred and fifty from the shores of the Atlantic, from the State of Maryland to Florida, a distance of more than one thousand miles along the sea-coast, there is a great majority of blacks. In some States there are two to one of whites, that is in the eastern parts of them; and in the eastern parts of South Carolina, some counties in North Carolina, and some in Virginia, four to one: but in the western parts of these States there is a majority of whites, though a great many blacks. Now, my friend, the general emancipation of such a number of these poor degraded creatures, say more than two millions, always to remain here with the white people, even if the Government should take the necessary care for their education and preparation for freedom and civilized life, which to be sure it ought, they must or will be a degraded people while the reins of government remain in the hands of the whites. Supposing the very best consequences that could follow such a measure, even that both classes should generally exercise Christian feelings towards each other which is very improbable, if not morally impossible—the peculiarly marked difference of features and colour, will always be an insurmountable barrier to general amalgamation. Even the Society of Friends, when receiving them into membership in religious society, have no intention of giving them our sons or our daughters in marriage, nor they any view of this kind; nay, the more virtuous, the farther from it. Were they of the same colour and fea
terre that we ara, ingon lerdire rirobican gorernment like this, where to eis au) 114 ;; dit is 1.2. Divisirs in esteem and prekrment there woud be no dificuits in universai emancipation without a separation. I bave no idea that they are at all inferior to the white people in intellect; give them the same opportunities for enterprise and inprovement. In viewing the two classes thus situated at present, and to remain so through a surcession of ages, a mist of darkness seems to rest upon them; it is a painful, disagreeable prospect, with a longing desire for something better for the African rare and our ofispring too; yet this prospect is not balf so dark and appalling as that of continuing them in slavery, to which we cannot avoid attaching the idea of a tremendous collision of the partits, with the extinction of one or the other, and possibly of both, in the course of time.
But I need not dwell much upon the subject of universal emancipation, in stating the best or worst, or most probable results of such a measure, because the Southern people have no more idea of the general emancipation of slases, without colonizing them, than the Northern people have of admitting the few among them to equal rights and privileges. Not even the friends of humanity here, think that a general emancipation, to remain here, would better their condition; and if they did, I believe that none of the slave States laws admit of emancipation without sending them ont of the State. And the ultra slave-holders are as much opposed to the Colonization Society as the Northern Manumissionists are, and have for several years past been viewing its growing popularity, and the Northern policy in Congress, with great jealousy; which keeps them upon the ground of nullification and the verge of rebellion, though they have other prétexts for it, such as the tariff, &c. But it is evident that slavery, or rather the general anticipation of its being abolished, is the primary cause of their discontent. Although this is the prevailing disposition of the governing men in most of the slave States, yet there are many men of fine talents and good character, of various religious denominations, tbat greatly deplore the evil of slavery, and would be glad to put their slaves in a better situation; and some have concluded it would better their condition to send them to Liberia, and others would do so willingly, but cannot for want of means; while others, no doubt from natural sympatby for their slaves, still dread the dangers and consequences of so adventurous an emigration, and perhaps some slaves are not willing to go. But I have not heard of a single family of slaves that have had the offer fairly and candidly made, but accepted it; and yet their unwillingness to go is talked of much by the Pharaoholike slaveholders, and also by the Northern Manumissionists, as a paramount objection to the operations of the Colonization Society, both in England and America. So it would be if it were true, but it is utterly false; there are none'sent that I have known or heard of, without their own consent; neither slaves nor free persons. It is a little singular, that the hardened slave. holders and the Northern Manumissionists are so decidedly and bitterly opposed to each other as to threaten a dangerous collision, and a political division in this Goverrment, and at the same time are offering and urging the same reasons for demolishing the Colonization Society!—such as the unwillingness of the people of colour to go-the vast cost of sending the whole of them—the wretched situation of the colonists—and finally, the impracticability of the scheme. But here we will leave the slaveholders enclosed in their Chariots of Iron, with an iron grasp upon their slaves, bidding defiance to the denunciations and imprecations of the New England Anti-slaveites, and watching with a jealous eye the mild, gradually increasing influence of the Colonization Society, and take a view of the plan of the Colo