have slaves, and they only; but as the whole country has participated in the guilt (and gains, if any there are) of slavery, it seems to me no more than right that the whole country should share the expenses of emancipation. Slavery is unmixed evil; it is all abomination; there is no good connected with it, either to the master or the slave; and the more society advances, the more intolerable does slavery become. This evil must come to an end, or we as a nation must perish; and the only question is, how can the business be brought to a close with the least injury and the greatest amount of good, to all concerned? In respect to the colony at Liberia, we hear very contradictory statements. Evils undoubtedly exist, such as attend all new settlements, and some perhaps which are peculiar; but I have not yet seen evidence that the colonists have suffered half the calamities which attended the early settlement of New-England, of Virginia, or of this western country. I suppose that all the evils which exist are susceptible of remedy, and that the Society is able and willing to apply the remedy; otherwise, I would say, let Liberia be abandoned, and a better place provided, and better plans pursued. The good of the black man, and not merely the pecuniary interests of the white man, is the object aimed at by the Colonization Society; and I will never knowingly raise my hand or utter a word in favor of any scheme of colonization in which this great object is lost sight of, or holds only a subordinate place. The good, the permanent and highest good of both classes of the community, the white and the black, is to be secured; and to secure the good of both, should be the object of all our plans and efforts.-Cincinnati Journal. BRITISH AND FOREIGN SOCIETY FOR THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. [From the Philadelphia Presbyterian, Oct. 16, 1834.] To the Editor of the Presbyterian, SIR: I enclose for insertion in your valuable journal, the following extraordinary document. It is my purpose for the present, rather to spread it out before the American people, and let it speak for itself, than to give a minute review. The following hints, however, indicate some of its unhappy, not to say unwarrantable and dangerous features. 1. The paper throughout, displays the most puerile, and for Reformers, unpardonable ignorance of the true state of the question, in the United States. 2. The arrogant claims of these foreigners are even ludicrous. They claim the credit of having greatly contributed to excite the public mind in our Northern States, on the subject of slavery. So far as visionary schemes and violent measures have been adopted, they may perhaps take the credit of their projection; but Christianity and American principles have, under God, done the actual good that has been done for the poor slave, and the degraded freeman of color. On the other hand, there is no question that the foreign emissaries, who have recently arrived in this country, uniting with the Garrisons in America, have retarded, for almost one generation, the cause of African freedom and elevation in the United States. 3. The unjustifiable officiousness of the spirit manifested in this document, will meet a merited rebuke, as it must excite an honest indignation, in every American bosom. The British nation first made us slaveholders; next, she tried to put fetters on us. We have taught her a lesson which she ought not to forget. Let her try her Reform on India, and Ireland, and her unhappy and oppressed millions at home, before she begins her rash knight errantry on our shores, and creates discord and indiscreet zeal among our population. 4. This paper, with its plans and results, seals the fate of the present system of Abolition in the United States. Nothing more is wanting to prove to every American citizen, that Abolitionism, as opposed to the racticable plan of gradual emancipation, is reckless of all consequences; and when these rash men invite British men and British gold "TO AGITATE" our country, let them know that, by the act, they declare war against our social relations, our constitution, and our nation itself. Mr. Garrison has done this openly, both in England and in this country. 5. Let the friends of the black man, the friends of their country, the friends of order and of Christ, be wise, faithful, and united, and the present crisis will unfold, freedom to the slave, a Christian empire to Africa, and deliverance to our country from the greatest of all evils, and of all sins. AN ABOLITIONIST OF THE OLD SCHOOL. Circular Letter of the British and Foreign Society for the Universal Abolition of Negro Slavery, and the Slave Trade, to the Anti-Slavery Associations, and the Friends of Negro Emancipation throughout the United Kingdom. It has long been the subject of anxious consideration among many of the friends of Negro Emancipation, how far it is expedient to continue those associations which were established during the colonial controversy, to promote the Anti-Slavery feeling of the country. It was felt on the one hand, that although this great question has been set at rest, probably for ever, so far as respects Slavery in our own Colonies, yet, that the imperfect manner in which the measure of abolition has been introduced and carried, leaves too inuch room to fear, that further exertions may still be necessary for the full establishment of the Negro in his acknowledged rights, and for his protection in the enjoyment of them hereafter. It was also considered, that while slavery exists under the sanction of any civilized state, the moral influence of Great Britain ought to be powerfully exerted to effect its utter and imminediate extinction-that the deep conviction of religious duty that prompted us to the course which we successfully followed at home, should impel us to similar zeal and exertion, in the use of every legitimate means to attain the same end abroad. Slavery, wherever it exists, is the same moral deformity, the same crime before God; and ought to be viewed with detestation, and reprobated with boldness, by every man who professes to act on Christian principles. On the other hand, it could not be denied, that the unparalleled exertions made by the Anti-Slavery public during the last two years, were too great to be readily continued, when the personal interest of the question had subsided; nor would it be reasonable to expect a further sacrifice of money, as well as of time and labcr, from those who had already done their utmost to acquit their country of its share of guilt. In fact, many who were inost anxious to extend the operation of British benevolence to other Slave-holding countries, were not less reluctant to appear encroaching on the generosity of their fellowsubjects, and to make a second appeal to the liberality of those, whose means, so far as they were reasonably applicable to a distinct and peculiar object of charity, seemed almost ex hausted. While these conflicting considerations rendered it difficult to decide on which side the path of duty lay, circumstances have occurred both in this country and in America, which have determined the Agency Anti-Slavery Committee in their course. It appears that in the northern States of the Union, a very powerful interest in behalf of the slave has lately been excited. It may be expedient to advert to some facts connected with American Slavery, not generally known to the British public, although many of them have appeared in recent publications. Slavery obtains in America to a far greater extent, and in some respects, in a far more degraded form, if possible, than it assumed in our own Colonies. It is confined to the States below 36 degrees N. latitude, but the number of slaves below this limit, exceeds two millions. In some places, (as South Carolina for example) education is prohibited by law, and a free person of color cannot enter the territory. Slave evidence is wholly inadmissible, except against each other. Trial by jury, even in capital cases, is denied: and, as the necessary consequence of such a system, the most barbarous usage is the rule, and kindness the rare exception. Cruelty, starvation, separation of families, and all the crimes in that black catalogue of oppression, with which we are at length familiar, prevail, with this peculiar and monstrous aggravation, that the Slave cannot be inade free! Such is the well founded jealousy entertained of the very first step towards emancipation, that even the reluctant and conscientious slave possessor, is restrained by law from divesting himself of the iniquitous property--he dare not and cannot emancipate his slave, except at the penalty of banishing him from home and family; for to emancipate him, he must first conduct him to another State, and leave him in exile for ever! The condition of the free people of color in America, whose number exceeds 300,000, is only in a slight degree advanced. Their acquired privileges are but scanty and unsubstantial; their degradation is intolerable; their gradual banishment from the States is generally considered a maxim of national policy. It is scarcely necessary to add, that the internal slave trade is carried on with all its most disgusting and loathsome incidentshusbands and wives, mothers and children, are publicly exposed to auction, and handled reening nas made vut very ние progress, сенш ще погшеги exerted themselves with perseverance and energy, to effect 1. They have received, however, but little encouragement, by this, they recently established a National Anti-Slavery very favorable auspices, and with a fair promise of ultimate is too few, in proportion to the vast extent of country over istributed; and their financial resources too scanty, on an ever yet regarded as one of charity, not to feel dismayed at undertaking. ted our assistance: they have heard, and some of them have ss, which, under the blessing of Almighty God, attended the ry in kindling an Anti-Slavery feeling, and they have retheir object is to propagate their principles throughout the blications; to combine and lead the efforts of their fellowbefore them, by the same means of affiliated associations nd they are resolved to adopt, and faithfully to adhere to the our country acted-Slavery is a crime before God, and must e insensible to such an appeal. It was too nearly allied to the Committee re-assembled, and after a full consideratiou be prosecuted in subordination to the first-and the extent t to explain on this occasion, that the line of duty which r themselves, will not require that busy and unceasing exespondence which necessarily attended their past labours. o quiet apprehension as to the probable expense of their proxiety that may naturally be felt by their provincial allies, f those frequent calls upon their time which were absolutely rs immediately preceding the passing of the Abolition Bill. pursued, was essentially expensive and troublesome even to sable, and it may not be unseasonable to mention, that its by th St bu CO her the Spa ing hun are of u hee cry laby Ť crea the to h of a of th they the r may other Th tion d nies ciful bours subsc opinio Slaver Sup ciple, they 1 In the preceding explanation of their immediate object, and of the circumstances which have led them to recommence their Anti-Slavery exertions, the Committee repeat their wish, that it may be distinctly understood, that it is by no means intended to confine themselves to the cause of emancipation in America. The extent to which they may hereafter proceed, must necessarily depend upon the encouragement which they receive from the public; but when the public are made fully conscious of the vast claims that the negro still possesses on their sympathy, it cannot be doubted but that their support will prove both liberal and constant. Not less than FIVE MILLIONS of our fellow creatures are still detained in hopeless bondage by the avarice and cruelty of man. Treaties have been made with ostentatious regard to the interests of humanity, and have been buried in the mysterious recesses of Downing Street, forgotten and disregarded! Laws and ordinances have been promulgated with busy zeal, to silence the remonstrances of British benevolence, and those laws have become a dead letter, ere the ink which recorded them was dry! It would be imprudent here to advert to facts which have from time to time been loudly whispered abroad, but there is too much reason to believe, that the extensive trade still carried on in the French, Spanish, and Portuguese colonies, is sustained by British capital, and screened by British ingenuity. In Cuba and the Brazils, and in some of the French colonies, the market for human cattle is daily supplied from the coast of Africa; while the mines of Chili and Peru are peopled with miserable, though guiltless victims, whose blood is drained by a system of unparalleled horror, to fill the pockets of English shareholders! These things pass unheeded, because they are unknown; and there is no voice to make them known; for the cry of humanity jars with the soft tones of foreign diplomacy, and is lost in the heartless labyrinth of political negotiation! The Committee wish to become the mouthpiece of their suffering and enslaved fellowcreatures throughout the world. They seek to unfold the secrets of every prison-house to the light of day-to give loud utterance to the groans of the captive negro, whether lashed to his task under the scorching rays of a tropical sun, or chained to labour in the abysses of a Peruvian mine: they hope that by thus forcing the subject on the frequent attention of their countrymen, they shall bring to his aid the protecting influence of Parliament: they may thereby secure the faithful observance of treaties, whose salutary provisions for the restriction of the Slave Trade are now slumbering in the closet of the minister: and may reasonably expect to find the influence of this country exerted in good faith, to induce other States to follow the noble example which she has given to them. They are not unconscious of the magnitude, and, as some may consider it, the presumption of these pretensions; but they cannot forget, that emancipation even in our own colonies was, but a few years since, regarded as the dream of visionary enthusiasts! as a fanciful Utopian scheme impracticable to man! Yet by the blessing of God upon their labours, and with no other guide than principle to direct them, and no other aid than a few subscriptions, a power was brought to bear upon the legislature in the form of popular opinion, that within two years realized the vain imagination, and extinguished Colonial Slavery, if not at once, yet for ever. Supported by the same Divine protection, and steadfastly adhering to the same principle, they ask no better means to lay the foundation of that far nobler triumph to which they now aspire, the utter extinction of Slavery throughout the world. "Not by might, nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts." GEORGE STEPHEN, Chairman. JOHN SCOBLE, Secretary. P. S. It is possible that we may be obliged, in the first instance, to apply for your assistance in obtaining signatures to an address, which it is in contemplation to forward to the Americans; this may seem to threaten a renewal of those measures which we have said will not be repeated; but it is only intended as an introductory step to bring the subject emphatically before their eyes, and not as the prelude of the system we shall hereafter pursue. Some formal announcement of British feeling on the subject, appears necessary; but beyond this, we anticipate no occasion hereafter for any concerted and marked expression of national opinion. Those who are willing to further the object of the Committee, as described in this circular, are requested to communicate their names to MR. SCOBLE, No. 18, Aldermanbury, London, at their earliest convenience. It will be inferred from the preceding statement, that as respects the intended assistance to America, the request for pecuniary aid is limited to subscriptions for a term of three years. ERRATA. Page 257, for "Rev. Thornton J. Mills," read "Rev. Thornton A. Mills." Page 263, line 7 from the bottom, Dele "audacity." Page 269, line 5 from the top, for "that to use, Mr. Birney's own language in this very letter," read "that, to use Mr. Birney's language in this very letter." Page 271, line 15 from the top, for "1834" read 1824." Page 277, line 1 at the top, for "this singular” read “the singular.” DR. HODGKIN'S REMARKS ON THE AFRICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. To Dr. Hodgkin's 'Inquiry into the merits of the American Colonization Society, a Review of which appeared in our October Number, are appended some interesting remarks on the British African Colonization Society.After a pertinent introduction, Dr. H. adverts to the obvious policy of the British public to encourage on the Coast of Africa, a taste for British productions, and to increase the demand for them by promoting the extension of civilization towards the interior of the continent. He then thus proceeds: "This effect, colonization, on the American system, is peculiarly calculated to produce. Although it is not a rival, but an ally of the American colony, which the British Society is proposing to found, it ought to be remarked, that the present is a time in which it is peculiarly important for this country to turn its attention to the colonization of Africa, and more especially of its Western coast. Hitherto, the European settlements on this coast have been few, and, for the most part, unimportant; and the British, whose cruisers have long frequented the coast, for the suppression of the slave trade, have possessed a greater influence over the natives than any other civilized power. Whether this influence be worth possessing or not, I will not say; but it is obvious that it must give way before the more powerful and beneficial influence of America, exerted by means of her Colonization Society. Every year brings under its control fresh accessions of territory, which the natives are anxious to place under its jurisdiction, in order to receive, in return, European arts, and government of American mould. It is not to induce our country to undermine, or compete with this influence which America is obtaining, but to lead her to participate in it, as the reward of her exertions for the good of Africa, that the British Colonization Society is established. The increase and encouragement of British colonies in Africa is no new idea: it has been powerfully advocated, both politically and philanthropically, by James M'Queen, a gentleman intimately acquainted with Africa, her sons, and her commercial advantages. He says of colonization, 'There is but one opinion amongst those who are, or who have had an opportunity of being aquainted with Africa, her population and present institutions; namely, that colonization, fixed and stable, can only render her any permanent benefit.' We have spoken of the powerful influence of colonization, in repressing the slave trade on the coast; but the author from whom I have quoted, points out the effect which it would produce in arresting a no less serious evil-the internal slave trade. On this subject he observes: Europe will have done but little for the blacks, if the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, which is triffing when compared with the slavery of the interior, is not followed up by some wise and grand plan, tending to the civilization of the continent. Colonization, permanent and powerful, is this wise and grand plan.' The same intelligent author forcibly urges the dangers of delay, and points to the rivals who inay bear away the prize. Let him speak for himself. There is, perhaps, no part of the globe where new commercial establishments could be set down more easily, or where they could be more effectually protected than in Africa. It is at present a noble, and at present an undisputed, but not long to remain an undisputed field.' Again: 'Every obstacle will vanish before judicious and patient exertions. The glory of our Creator, the good of mankind, the prosperity of our own country, the interest of the present, and the welfare of future generations, glory, honor, interest call us; and, united, point out the path to gain the important end. Let but the noble Union ensign wave over and be planted by the stream of the mighty Niger, and the deepest wounds of Africa are healed. Round it, and to it, the nations from Balea to Darfur, from Ashben to Benin, would gather for safety and protection. The slave would burst his fetters, and the slave trade be heard of no more.The road to effect this is open; it is safe; it will soon be occupied by others; and if we hesitate, the glory and the advantages will be wrested from our hands." " The following is Dr. Hodgkin's account of the plan of the British Society, and of the means proposed for effecting it: "Let us first remark the general characteristics of the design; and next, the plan by which it is proposed to accomplish it. Taking the American system as that to which it is designed closely to adhere, the proposed colony or colonies on the coast of Africa will not, like most colonies established by civilized powers, seek to remove the original possessors of the soil, to make way for an exotic race. It will convey to the coast of Africa those who are of African descent, who may blend with, instruct, and ameliorate their brethren; and in doing so, it will avoid two other evils which have attended whites in tropical regions. It will avoid the immense risk of human life, which has attended the cployment of whites; and, at the same time, it will not fail to give to the colored popu |