and respectable nation. ture of the case, are favorable to the improveId countries the feelings and habits and instid no change can be made without great diffien growing for centuries and that have become ructure of society cannot be easily eradicated. e young plants and young children, can easily pression you may wish to put upon them. by the opposers of Colonization, may be remeer the Society or the Colony. e, that there are colonizationists in the North from any benevolent feeling, but merely from he coloured people; admit that there are slaveattachment to Colonization arises solely from ee blacks, that they may hold their slaves in there exist between the colonists and the naquality and the same repulsive feeling as behe negro in this country; admit that the sale Liberia as an obstacle to the success of the misathen. Did it never occur to the Anti-Coloniall spring from avarice and sinful pride, and ible?" Did it never occur to them that these 1 and overcome before any plan for the emane colored people can be successfully executed? all the slaveholders in this country to give up I white men to renounce their wicked preju the Colonization Society in utter despair, befriends are still under the dominion of avaey looking for the time when all traffic in arend in this country, and have they so mean an e colored man for moral improvement that they ever terminate in Liberia? Do they think it e United States to place himself in all respects o, upon whom he has been trampling in scorn ies, and do they think it entirely impossible of the same race and same color, that it is their rethren? ationists see that the abuses of a benevolent without destroying the institution itself? Why as "a large majority" of those who support own confession, "men of stainless purity of mo 1.0 with his Colonization principles; but the difference betw who oppose him is, that the Colonizationist is not wil He is not willing to consider his work done, when he l clamation on the duty of immediate emancipation. He desire to see slaves immediately emancipated, that he is until a complete revolution is effected in the public senti He wishes to emancipate as many as he can now; and h man, having the feelings of a man, can wish to deprive holder of the only means (as the case may be) of confer slaves the dearest of earthly blessings. In advising his countrymen to abandon Colonization in all its measures," Mr. Birney has incurred a respon think few good men would be willing to assume. We reply to the reproaches of the slaves, who, in conseque may be kept in bondage. We see not how he can sup ciples against the arguments and the touching appeals w by the Christian slaveholder, whose plans of emancipa his slaves may be thwarted through his instrumentality an interview between Mr. Birney and such a Christia as Mr. B. in his letter has chosen the form of a dialogu and a heterodox Colonizationist, to illustrate the heartl terms "Colonization principles," he will excuse us for of a dialogue between himself and an orthodox Coloniza the cruelty of the Anti-Colonizationism which he now a Christian Slaveholder. I am the owner, Mr. Birn whose value in the market is about $10,000. By the they are my property; but I am a Christian, and I feel the command, "Do unto others as ye would that others sh I am resolved, therefore, to emancipate them, and as th will not allow me to do it here, I am resolved to put th of the Colonization Society, that they may be sent to L Mr. Birney. Have you made them acquainted with t beria, and are they willing to remove thither? Christian Slaveholder. Yes. I have taken great pai information respecting the condition and prospects of th frankly communicated the whole to the slaves. I hav acquainted with all the laws of this State which bear up and with the laws and state of society in the free States West. I have assured them too that if they choose to shall endeavour to treat them, so long as they are unde the kindness which the gospel requires; but they kno death or misfortune they must pass into other hands, a dren can have no security that their lot will be in any that of other slaves. After carefully considering the w small sum, and thus secure the liberty and happiness of fifty of the poor men for whom they feel and are constantly expressing so much Christian sympathy. Mr. Birney. You may be disappointed in the aid you expect from the North. The philanthropists of the North are beginning to take more enlarged views of their duty, in regard to slavery; and some of them have already abandoned the colonization scheme for the more sublime enterprise of immediate and universal emancipation." C. S. Surely, with these enlarged feelings, they will not hesitate a moment to give the trifle that is necessary to secure immediate liberty to my fifty slaves! Mr. B. There, I repeat it, you may be disappointed. The philanthropists of the new school aim only at universal emancipation. They will not give a cent to secure the emancipation of your fifty slaves, for that would be a partial and particular act, while their object is to abolish all slavery. C. S. It is an axiom in geometry that the whole is made up of all its parts; if we can only contrive to get rid of the parts of slavery we may find in the end that we have got rid of the whole of it. It is an old maxim too, that if we cannot do what we would, we should at least do what we can. Mr. B. These, sir, are "colonization principles;" they belong to an age that has gone by; they are altogether too tame to satisfy the bold and uncompromising spirit of a true reformer. Slavery will never be abolished by men who hold such principles. C. S. I am a practical man, Mr. Birney. I have thought of the subject of slavery chiefly in relation to personal duty, and particularly my own duty to my own slaves. With my colonization principles, I am an emancipationist; because I see clearly that emancipation with colonization will be a great practical blessing to my slaves, and in acting on these principles I see that I am fulfilling the great law of Christian love-that I am treating them as I would that they in like circumstances should treat me. But if I abandon colonizationism, what shall I do, for the law you know will not allow me to emancipate them here. Mr. B. Use your influence to procure a repeal of the law. C. S. That I shall do whether I abandon colonizationism or not. But it may be many years-it may be half a century-before we can succeed in procuring the repeal of the law. Meanwhile, what am I to do with my slaves? What practical Will it save him Mr. B. Why, if the law makes them bond-men, that you know is not your fault. You can quiet your conscience by a mental renunciation of the right of property. C. S. Mental renunciation of the right of property! benefit will such a renunciation coufer upon my slave? from the penalties imposed by our slave code? Will it authorize me to teach him to read and write? If I am unfortunate in business, will it prevent him from being sold at auction to pay my debts? If I die, will it keep him from going to my heirs? Will not he and his children still be liable at every turn, to fall into the hands of a cruel master? Do you seriously think, Mr. Birney, that I could retain my slave, and satisfy my conscience with a mental renunciation of the right of property, if I knew that I had it in my power to place him in a country where he and his children would be free, and where all his interests would be under the guardian care of a benevolent society, composed of some of the best men in this country? Which course is the most consistent with the law of love-that which you recommend, or that adopted by the friends of colonization? Think, Mr. Birney, what it is to be a slave-to be treated not as a man, but as a personal chattel, a thing that may be bought and sold-to have no right to the fruits of your own labor-no right to your own wife and your own children-liable at any moment to be separated, at the arbitrary will of another, from your dearest relatives and friends-deprived by law of all opportunity of cultivating your intellect-refused the privilege of even learning to read the Bible-compelled to know that the purity of your wife and daughters is exposed, without protection of law, to the assaults of brutal white men! Think of this, and of all the nameless horrors that are concentrated in that one word, slavery, and then say, Mr. Birney, will you still advise the people of the North to abandon colonization? Will you advise them to deprive me of the power of rescuing fifty of my fellowmen from such calamities? Will you deprive other Christian slaveholders, situated as I am, of the power of rescuing thousands? Will you take the responsibility of dooming these thousands to all the miseries of the condition we have described, until you can effect a total revolution in the social and civil condition of six millions of men! 5. Colonization causes the subject of slavery to be discussed AT THE SOUTH, in a manner calculated to produce the happiest effects on the cause of emancipation! Anti-colonizationists are agitating the subject of slavery at the North, where there is no slavery, and where the anti-slavery feeling is so strong, that it frequently manifests itself in language which requires rather reproof than encouragement. No wise man acquainted with the pulse of the nation on the subject of slavery would think of applying stimulants at the North. But Colonization awakens inquiry, discussion and action at the South, where action is wanted. Every Christian slaveholder, who emancipates his slaves, and sends them to Liberia, remains ever afterwards a standing monument of the triumph of Christian principle over selfish interest-a constant, living reproof to all who still retain their fellow-men in bondage. All the neighbours of such a man, and all who become acquainted with his history, are compelled to know that he has impoverished himself, because his conscience could not tolerate slavery; they see in his noble sacrifices the very best evidence of his sincerity, and they cannot fail to inquire, whenever they see him or think of him, “Is it right to hold men in slavery?" Of what force, comparatively, would be the example of this slaveholder, if he were obliged to confine himself (as Anti-colonizationists recommend) to a mental renunciation of the right of property in his slaves-a renunciation, which the law would treat as a nullity, and which might be mentally retracted, at any moment, without the knowledge of the community. From the nature of the case how is it possible that such a renunciation could have an effect equal to that of actual emancipation. Finally, we may ask, how many Anti-slavery Societies and Anti-slavery periodicals at the North will it take to produce the same happy effect on public sentiment at the South, which may be produced by the example of one distinguished Christian slaveholder who sacrifices his whole property by sending his slaves to Liberia? And yet, the first thing, the great thing, and hitherto almost the only thing, aimed at by these societies and periodicals, has been to destroy the only institution which enables us to present such examples to the people of the South! 6. It is possible for the American people of the present generation to esta it a very moderate expense. Let then Coloni- le? The Anti-colonizationist will say, perhaps, such hat the people of this country will never volunsums which will be wanted to clear the land, -ide the other conveniences necessary to tempt Africa. Why not? Suppose that the sum r every man, woman, and child, or $500 for there are colored men enough in- the United ed by $500 to take up their residence in such a e on the plan proposed,) even at this rate the be only $10,000,000. And is it visionary to |