oly his theory of "great principles" to the purpose rinciples on which Colonization is recommended to imperfect and repugnant;" (Query: Repugnant to ng on the theory a scion of metaphysics, avers inly "the grounds upon which Colonization has people of the United States," viz.

our country, is justifiable, or that immediate emancipation is the free coloured people are, of all classes in the community, ost hopeless, degraded, vicious and unhappy, and that, therercise of a sound policy for ourselves and from sympathy with to Africa, where the causes of their degradation, vice and 4. That we shall, in sending them to Liberia, by their inchristianizing Africa, pay in some measure the debt we owe ty trespass we have committed upon her."

or, "we see a strange mixture of true principles,
ly false." It may be wished that he had produc-
bing this quadruple argument to the friends of Co-
ad more precisely stated the first branch of it.-
has been contended on behalf of the Colonization
it is, in our country, is justifiable, or that immedi-
of the question," he leaves the reader to doubt
these two propositions was asserted by the unnam-
y, or is only assumed by his commentator; and, on
one of the propositions had been urged for the
was. Such unexactness in a professed logician,
e. Until the doubts just mentioned shall have
of the Society on this head, cannot be understand-
e, the wish may be expressed, that no authorized
Colonization Society has so far transcended his own
nal design of that association, as to implicate its
ze with a defence of slavery. The Society propo-
for an existing state of things; and not to diverge
the justice or injustice belonging to that state of

characterizing the first, may be objected also to pecifications: "That we shall, in sending them" opla "to Liberia, by their instrumentality in zing Africa, pay in some measure the debt we owe mighty trespass we have committed against her."nizing scheme are here confounded with the au, committed centuries ago. Now, the Colonizaof the present generation-a generation conspicue slave trade. This is, in truth, a "mighty tres

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slavery abolis

Our own

rica. And the tendency of the colonizing scheme to this object, is precisely one of the great benefits on which its friends have insisted. The confusion of the guilt of introducing slavery into the United States, with the misfortune of co-existing there with it, is an anachronism which the attentive reader of Mr. Birney's letter will find to be one of the staples of that composition. In justice to him it should, however, be remarked, that the discrimination on this subject which truth and fair reasoning require to be made, would have been fatal to the larger portion of his argument.

The ancient historians used to animate their writings by speeches put into the mouths of distinguished individuals. Mr. Birney has improved upon the models made familiar to him by his classical studies. He gives us a speech, generated by another speech to which the orator had been listening, and of which this fortunate circumstance has left the only trace. It seems that some slaveholder, after hearing "one of our most ingenious and eloquent Colonization speeches," uttered a soliloquy, which Mr. B. has taken the pains to report. If the report be accurate, the Colonization speech would seem to have been made up of arguments intended to determine the slaveholder against the plan proposed by the Society. It is at least difficult to imagine arguments better calculated to produce that effect: and it is certain that those which were used exactly so operated; for the soliloquy ends with the declaration, "I will let alone the whole matter." This was, surely, a strange course of reasoning for an advocate of Colonization; and the curiosity may be pardoned which inquires when, where, and by whom, a Colonization address was pronounced, that could possibly have occasioned the soliloquy of Mr. Birney's slaveholder. As Mr. B. was probably more familiar with his own speeches than with any other in favor of Colonization, one of these may have been his foundation for the monologue. Now, if Mr. B. ever made so extraordinary a speech, it needs only to be said that he made it on his own responsibility; and that he does wisely in replying to himself as soon as possible. But, from the reply might well have been spared the Freshman sophistry of the note to this part of his epistle.

The reader is next entertained with a new category of "Ifs," of the same family with that of their predecessors, and ending with an interrogative invocation to, the American public to abandon the Colonization Society, "so injurious to us as a people, and to the cause of humanity and freedom throughout the world." Then follow some reasons "for the apparent permanency of slavery, anterior to the direct efforts made in the last two or three years to overthrow it;" the chief of which reasons is the justification of slavery, before imputed by the writer to the Colonization Society. To this he ascribes what he calls "the alleged melioration of slavery in many parts of the country."

After the insinuated opinion that the "direct efforts" alluded to for overthrowing slavery, have tended to promote that purpose, the mind which can so far mistake the "signs of the times," and the connexion between causes and effects, may be excused for the logic which ascribes "the alleged melioration of slavery" to the doctrine that slavery is justifiable.

Mr. Birney assumes that "slavery, as a system, is, to all appearance, more confirmed among us than it was 15 or 18 years ago;" and charges the Colonization Society with having produced this state of things. Both the assumption and the imputation are gratuitous. Mr. B. cites precedents of slavery abolished in other countries, under circumstances so different from our own, as to render those precedents inapplicable. He talks of the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia, where Congress holds exclusive jurisdiction; of the purchase and sale of slaves there; and of advertisements in the newspapers on the subject of that traffic. The forbear

. Birney forgotten the recent decided proceedings
ery? or the discussions on that subject in the Le-
the institution of a Society which he contributed
place of his present residence, for liberating the fu-
the numerous manumissions which, within the pe-
I made in the States just mentioned, and in other
attention to the moral and religious improvement
in many of the States where they are held?
ny ground for the alleged confirmation of slavery as
itterly failed in the effort to make the Colonization

Slaves were bought and sold in the District of Coayers and sellers were made known through the olting practices which he enumerates existed long of that Institution. He cannot, therefore, it may be peak doubtingly) mean to charge the Society with ings; but such a charge would be quite as reasonaon the Society the cause of its continuance. That on have ever directly advocated the permanence of trepid as he is in crimination, does not pretend. have indirectly done so, is sustained only by licenining to find the connexion between cause and ef half-conscious; and a forced juxtaposition of "dissosufficient answer to them, were any needed, would ion (which, by the way, is short of the truth), that of the Colonization scheme has been the manuhundred slaves, for emigration to Africa; and nuions, in cases "where the beneficiaries have not try." He professes indeed to think that the Colorve as little credit for the latter class of emancipas for Christianizing a man, whom his arguments led to reflect on its importance. As the infidel delity, the illustration ought to have shown that on reasoned in favor of perpetual slavery; and by ws nothing. Now, there is no example of such of Colonization, except the apocryphal case of the et the slaveholder on soliloquizing. Though the e with which the Colonization Society has no dincern, the opportunity which that society affords as undoubtedly shaken slavery as a system; and will

Jefferson, of whom Mr. Birney, in a subsequent part of his but a little distance in the rear of the abolitionists of the preseut human liberty or national justice was restrained, he was from whom it was withheld, be they white, or red, or black;" es, dated April 20, 1820, holds the following language, in rehe "slave trade by sea and land, to our Southern ports," viz: that as the nascare of claves from one State to another, would

says, in "the laws of nearly all the slave states. Tal few. I have seen the son of a white woman sold int by the Commonwealth of Virginia-attempting to reg in a distant State his long lost liberty." A specimen in ought to have known that by the laws of Virginia, " woman" is free, and of course cannot be legally sold as cited, the evidence must have been that the mother slave, and of course not a white woman. If the statem

is true, the evidence must have been false. But it is political ethics to denounce a law because in a par under it, false testimony was given.

The other "specimens" of laws affecting the colour sented in a shape which effectually shields from exami of which they are the basis.* Nothing is said of the P their enactment; the doubt is permitted, whether the se passed in States friendly or inimical to the Colonization is accused, in connexion with those laws, of maligni The omission of details so material to the charge dep to notice, except as a "specimen" of Anti-Coloniza wherever, and at whatever times, the obnoxious law enacted, Mr. B. has failed, nay, he has scarcely prete the Society had any agency or influence in procuring, cessfully exerted any to prevent, their adoption; ever moment, that its interference would have been prop failed to show that the existence of such laws offers n removal of the free coloured people from the sphere Little can be said for either the wisdom or the benevole which censures the effort to do prompt though only p a more plenary benefit is believed to be not immediate

Besides the laws of the slaveholding states referred to is another circumstance incident to the condition of our which deserved his attention. We mean their socia non-slaveholding States; which is so aggravated, the where their political rights are equal to those of the are reduced by conventional prejudices to an empt persons among them living at the North, have admitti ling at the South they have been treated with more home. Whatever may be the reason, the fact is inco States in which the two races approach a political eq of colour is more deeply and vigilantly cherished by the States in which their superiority is recognised by

Of one class of the laws complained of in Mr. Birney's lette Rishon of Virginia. in a letter to Mr. Elliott Cresson, says with

the obnoxious clergy men, is that they have mares. Is Mr. B. serious in denying the rite of mamen and slaveholding women? This is carrying considering his horror at alleged proscription in a text the following note is appropriate :

d have no reason to doubt the fact that a member of a of Mississippi, was heard to say that he would be delighted Executioner to a distinguished abolitionist of New Y rk— the same church."

gentleman of Mr. Birney's standing should admit laboured argument. The ministers of religion e themselves that a philosopher so fond as Mr. B. lated examples, had not charged them as a body on blood.

ays Mr. Birney, "an agency for the American e of the grounds upon which I mainly rested my e co-operation of ministers of religion and laymen mediate emancipation and transmission of their

he reflection suggested by this extract, viewed in ts of Mr. B's. letter, that the first practical notion ented to his mind by the plan of the Society, we reat surprise that the reasonable hopes to which e been totally frustrated. We had been prepared t by the abundant and constantly increasing evithe part of the slaveholder to liberate his slaves, n for the future disposition of them should be y Mr. Birney's own statement, before alluded by him understated, number of slaves had been Liberia.

er, in the belief that advantage has not been taken istian emancipation [which] had, in the provied, and invokes the reader to "hear the reasons." orm of a dialogue between an agent of the society der; though he remarks, "I will not say that the ment thrown for convenience into the form of a on any single occasion during my agency in the ce of the Society by Mr. Birney, is on the whole, ort, than in that mentioned in a former part of his perhaps to be regretted that he did not always olic speaking. He has omitted, however, one per use must, we cannot but think, have been party to the dialogue. When the Christian slave

ria was unsuited to the reception of colonists on