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bours and friends, and have got the above amount, and think I will yet get a little moremsay one hundred dollars. I then design proposing to them the forming a little Society, and subscribing on the plan of Gerrit Smith. Letter from a Reverend Gentleman, dated Fishkill, Dutchess county, N. Y.

July 21, 1834. Enclosed you will receive seventeen dollars, the amount of a collection taken in the Reformed Dutch Church of Hopewell, in aid of the Colonization Society. I am happy to discover that the efforts of the Abolitionists are producing a reaction in favour of your Institution. The people of this district of country, recoil with indignation from the unnatural desigus of those who advocate the promiscuous intercourse of colours; and the effects in the city clearly evince, that the influence of the abolition measures is cruelty to the poor blacks, instead of benevolence. I regard the Colonization Society as offering all the inducements to emancipation, which the warmest friend of liberty could offer; but beside this offering, a home to the liberated captive where he may rise to all the dignity and enjoyment of civilization and Christianity. The Lord grant the American Colonization Society His richest blessing

Leller dated Lewistown, Mifflin county, Pa. July 29, 1834. After divine service held in the Methodist Episcopal Church, on the 4th inst. I presented to the congregation the very powerful claims of the American Colonization Society; and although the sentiments of the abolition party have some intluence here, we nevertheless received pleasing assurances of the fact, that the American Colonization Society is founded upon principles of extended benevolence, and entitled to the liberal regards and sympathies of American Patriots and Christians.

The collection ainounted to fifteen dollars and twenty-five cents. ($15 25.) I send herewith enclosed the sum of fifteen dollars, in aid of the funds of the Society, and apply the remaining twenty-five cents in part payment for the postage of this communication.

Leller dated Alexandria, Huntingdon county, Pa. August 4th, 1834.

I send you the enclosed $ 10, the amount of a collection taken a few weeks since, in my church, for the aid of the cause of Colonization.That cause should be dear to the heart of every friend of injured Africa and of her race. I hope the Lord will grant it His propitious smiles, and cause it to triumph over the assaults of its misguided and fanatic opposers, the Abolitionists. I trust they mean well, but they are certainly, in my humble opinion, greatly mistaken as to the propriety of their measures. They are urging our country to a fearful crisis. May a gracious Heaven preserve us all from the dreadful shock which must ensue if these wild and enthusiastic measures are carried much further.

Letter dated Baton Rouge, 7th of August, 1834. The Presbyterian Church in this place is small. Only three male members. Mr. Hutchison, who formerly preached for us, left the place some eight or ten months ago; since which time, we have had no preacher of our church. Mr. Chesnut, a Congregationalist, has occasionally visited us. In consequence of the increased anxiety of the congregation for the success and prosperity of the Colonization Society, and in compliance with a resolution of the General Assembly, we, for the first time, have take a collection for that purpose,

We have collected twenty dollars, which please receive and appropriate according to the wishes of the donors.

Letter dated Cross Roads, Washington courty, Pa. Aug. 15, 1834

Enclosed you have $35 collected from the Roads Presbyterian congregation, for the Colonization Society; this amount, though small, has exceeded our former contributions-- which, I believe, has been the result of unjustifiable opposition made by a few Abolitionists to the Colonization Society here.

Extract of a Letter dated Fairfield, N. J. 18th August, 1834. The enclosed $12, was taken up in the congregation (of which I am Pastor) on the Sabbath succeeding the 4th of July, to aid the Colonization Society in their benevolent operations. We are pleased with the prudent and Christian principles on which the proceedings of your Society are conducted; and which, so far as I know, are almost unanimously approved of by the people in these parts. No Abolitionists here.

We are sorry to hear of some things unfavorable to the prosperity of the Colony; but glad to learn that you are likely to surmount the obstacles which seemed to retard the progress of the Colony. And I pray that God would more abundantly prosper the benevolent operations of your Society, and make them a blessing to our Republic, to the Colony, and to the unle known millions of human beings in Africa. Extract of a Letter dated Pitts Grove, Salem county, N. J. August 19, 1834.

Enclosed is a ten dollar bill, the avails of a collection taken in our church on the 10th inst. I regret that circumstances arose that day to diminish our numbers, and consequently our contribution. But in a few weeks I hope to forward the first fruits of an effort to form a Female Auxiliary Society here, which as yet, is not quite organized.

Your ably conducted Repository, brings constant and accumulating testimony of the paramount importance of this glorious effort.

“Secto corpore fortior,” may be now the honourable motto of the American Colonization Society. It has, during the past year, proved itself worthy of the times. It has foiled "Jannes and Jambres" in many a well contested debate; has patient: ly endured the contradictions of those fanatics; has enlisted new affections, new hearts, and new talents on its side; and has by the peculiar trials which have met its bright career, only developed more and more fully, the fact, that our country cannot do without it. . * * The two races cannot live together. The malaria of Africa on the one hand, and the organization of American Society on the other, will forever forbid it.

With the warmest desires and prayers for the continued and much en. larged success of the Society, I remain, &c.

Extract of a Letter dated New Orleans, 23rd August, 1834. Enclosed is a bill on Henry Henderson, of Baltimore, at sight, for one hundred and two dollars and fifty cents, being amount of my subscription on G, Smith's Plan, and one year's subscription to the Repository. * *

I would have remitted this sooner, but for having been absent. My Agent had instructions, but neglected them. I subscribe myself a firmer "friend than ever to the good cause,

IMMEDIATE ABOLITION.

The subirined article, from the Christian Mirror, of August 7, published at Portland, is evidently the production of a sensible writer, well informed as to the facts which he cites, and justly estimating the relation of the free blacks in the United States to the white population. It deserves and will doubltess receive a careful and general perusal.

The AGITATING QUESTION. Dear Sir:- The question of emancipation is generally treated by the “Abolitionists," as one, in which the master and slave are alone interested. The rights of society, of the community at large, are seldom if ever, taken into consideration; and yet these are by no means unimportant points, in the discussion of the subject. A large number of the United States hold no slaves; and within the slaveholding States, more especially Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, a large and respectable portion of our citizens are personally exempt from the crime and its profits. That these have a right to be protected from the evil and fatal consequences of immediate emancipation. thcy at least, have no doubt, and this right they ground upon the fundamental law of society, which gives the community a right to protect itself against a portion of its own citizens, by restricting and controlling their rights, when incompatible with the interests of the whole. The white apprentice, though free borne, and entitled to the unqualified use of his own limbs, and the aggregate profits of his own labor, in an abstract point of view, and this as fully, and completely during any one year or period of his life as during any other, is nevertheless by the laws of society, (which by the way he has no voice in making,) condemned to a qualified servitude for seven years of his life; and so general and unquestionable are the beneficial results of such servitude, that its propriety, and the right of society to impose it, are never questioned.Other instances in the laws of all civilized societies in relation to paupers, servants and women, corroborate and sustain the general principle. This right of society is also its duty, and should be exercised, not only in reference to the present generation, but to pos. terity.

The abolitionists contend that slavery is a crime and that immediate, unconditional emancipation is the only remedy; that it is the duty of the masters, and perfectly safe to all concerned. Slaveholders generally admit the evil, but contend that arson, robbery, assassinations, Southampton tragedies and anarchy, (which they say would be the results of immediate emancipation) are greater crimes, and that it is not their duty, to do that which will terminate in the extermination by violence, of either the blacks or whites.

To this the abolitionists reply, “You are interested in this question in a pecuniary point of view !-your testimony as witnesses, and your decision as judges cannot therefore be received; your fears are the result of your cupidity and their sincerity may well be ques. tioned.” The slaveholder answers “We have correct means of judging upon the subject, you have not. We know intimately, and not by report, the character, feelings, and dispositions of our slaves, you do not. In the experiment of emancipation would be involved, not only our property in slaves, but ail our property, and the lives and welfare of ourselves, our wives and our children; while your only stake is a mere matter of opinion."

Let us turn from the opinions of these 'interested’and 'ignorant' judges, to that of others standing indifferent, between the parties, and relieved, if not of all interest, at least of that-pecuniary interest-which the law lays down as the ground of incompetency.

The citizens of the State of Ohio, are by birth, education and habits, opposed to slavery; so much so that slaveholders seldom think it worth their while, to attempt reclaiming runaways in that state. Every legal obstacle is thrown in the way of such attempts, and when such means fail, slaves are often rescued from their reclaiming masters by force, and secreted from subsequent arrest. Now notwithstanding this general sentiment in favor of freedom, and the small number of free blacks in the State, she has been obliged to pass severe laws against the influx of blacks by laying them under regulations not generally in their power to comply with. The burden and danger of such a population overcome their feelings of humanity towards them. Again; it is known to most of those who have any acquaintance with the proceedings of the Colonization Society, that many conscientious slaveholders in the Southern States, have liberated their slaves and even furnished them with an outfit, on condition of their emigration to Liberia. This testimony, exhibited at the expense and loss of hundreds, and in some cases thousands of dollars, presents strong claims to disinterestedness. These same individuals would, however, under their views of the danger of emancipation upon the soil, have felt it their duty to retain them still in slavery, if no means nor place were provided for their emigration from the State.

The citizens of the free States bordering immediately upon the slaveholding States, and also those citizens of the slaveholding States, who own and hold no slaves, however conscientiously and strenuously they may be opposed to the system or the sin, are almost unanimously opposed to emancipation, either immediate or upon the soil. So far as mere opinions go, these are certainly entitled to much weight, but facts are preferable to opinions.

The objections to immediate, unconditional emancipation are that it is dangerous to society, and unproductive of benefit to the slaves themselves. By this it is not ineant that many individual cases of hardship and oppression would not be relieved, but that even if the mightier evils of insurrection and crime are avoided, neither the physical, moral, nor religious character of the blacks would be improved, while intolerable evils would be the consequence to the whites.

In support of this view of the subject, I beg leave to adduce a few facts in reference to a county and Borough, in the western part of Pennsylvania. This State by an act of the Legislature of 1780, provided for the gradual einancipation of its slaves. There are but 2 or 3 hundred in the Siate, and those of very advanced ages. The free blacks in the State, number about 38,000. In the county of which I speak, the white population is 12,784, the black 852—ratio 1-50. In the Borough, whites 1816, blacks 154--ratio about 1-12.Probably 1-2 of the whole were free born-and the remainder, free at 28 years of age.Of course, the evils attendant upon the sudden acquisition of freedom by a numerous, ignorant and depraved population, were with us, happily avoided. Few in number, grad. ually prepared for freedom, partially instructed in reading and writing and in the possession of freedom commensurate in every respect with the whites, a case is presented favorable to their advancement in all that makes lise valuable. You will ask me, “Are they industrious ?" I answer, Wealth appears to have no charms for any of them. They are idle and poor. An entire want of energy of mind and body, is and ever has been the first consequence of their freedom. Although able to obtain equal wages with the laboring whites, none of them acquire property. They live in cabins, little one story log huts, chinked with mud, in the suburbs of the town. These generally contain but one room, and often have mud floors. The interior presents a picture of poverty, and too often squalidity. I believe there is but one of these houses, owned by the black tenant, or a colored person. The whole amount of Borough tax collected in 1833, was $1965, 16:-The whole amount paid by the colored population, was $4,84. The proportion received by them as paupers, has generally been from one half to two thirds of the whole amount of funds expended for the support and relief of the poor, although constituting as before observed, but 1-12th of the population. They live from hand to mouth-proverbially making no provision for the future. Although a cow is protected from execution for debt, it is rare indeed, that one is owned by a black man.

Their improvement in education is about upon a par with their pecuniary advancement and domestic econoiny. But a few of thein can write, and I have never known one read so well as to take pleasure in reading. Beoks form no part of their cabin furniture or sources of enjoyment. The most of them, perhaps it might be said of all, who acquire any education, receive it at the public expense. Repeated efforts of philanthropic citizens to procure their general and regular attendance at Sabbath schools, and also to organise them into a separate school to be governed and instructed by teachers and managers froin among themselves, have produced nothing but mortifying failures.

The most of them, old and young, depend for their dress upon the cast clothing of the whites, and of course hare in the shabbiness of their cloths, a ready excuse for non-attendance at sit vol anu at meeting, when from idleness or any other cause they choose to absent themselves. Morals and religion seem to be at as low an ebb amongst them, as can well be conceived of in a Christian country. The moral tone of their preachers may be judged of from the fact, that a distinguished one among them in this place, openly and unblushingly advocated their right to steal from the whites. I have no statistics of crime before me, but I have no hesitation in saying, where they form 1-50th of the population, they furnish 1-8th of the criminals in our jails.

Free, but realizing none of the nobler advantages of freedom-possessing the right of elective franchise, but never claiming to exercise it-ignorant and degraded, among schools and in the midst of education and refinement-attaining nó higher eminence even in the mechanic arts, than the lowest and meanest handicrafts, which not one in fifty attains to—as a class, poor in the extreme and oftentimes actual sufferers from penury in a land of ease, wealth, and plenty-adding nothing to the stock of national wealth or national defence, but a drawback upon both-they form any thing but a valuable class of the community, and however much we may pity their situation, the hope of improving it here, is feeble indeed.

Is it to be expected that under these circumstances, and with these facts staring us in the face, we can desire the unconditional emancipation of the Slaves of the United States; exposing ourselves to an influx of such a population' ten and perhaps forty times as numerous as the present? and this too while we know. that the evils accompanying a degraded population increase in a geometrical and not arithmetical proportion to their numbers. It should be recollected too, that the burden and loss to the wealth of the community from such a class, bear no comparison as evils, with the injuries resulting to the moral tone and character imparted by them to the lower classes of the whites. Of the cause of this deg. radation and the means of removing it, I may perhaps speak hereafter; the present remarks are advanced only as arguments against immediate, unconditional emancipation.

G. 0. W.

[From the Vermont Chronicle, June 6.]

THE OBJECT, AND ITS BEARINGS: In examining the claims of the Colonization Society the two ought to be considered separately; for the Society, as such, has one single and simple object, while its members have different views of the bearings of the enterprize, and those bearings depend indeed entirely on the manner in which the enterprize is carried on. The object is to colonize, from the United States, in Africa or elsewhere, free people of color who are willing to go. Now a commercial colony would be one thing and an agricultural another -a Christian colony would be a blessing, a slave-trading one, a curse to Africa and the world. The establishment of a parcel of ignorant, idle and vicious free blacks on the coast of Africa, is to be deprecated, while nothing could be more cheering to the eye of a Christian philanthropist, than a community of the virtuous and intelligent from that class of our citizens, established there, happy in themselves and a light amid the darkness of their father land.

What then may we reasonably expect to be the bearings of this enterprize?

Mr. Stuart says of Liberia, that "for Africa it is good. It interrupts the slave trade within its own limits; and the least interruption to that nefarious traffic is an unspeakable good.” Even the enemies of the Society, then, are compelled to acknowledge that its affairs have been so conducted as to establish on the coast of Africa a colony that interrupts the slave trade. So far it is well. The bearings of the enterprize are good. And when the reader considers that this is already true of a long extent of coast in Liberia—that it is rapidly stretching along in both directions-that the new colony at Cape Palmas will be equally effective in the cause of humanity-and that the slave trade may be interrupted along the whole coast by a mere extension of the same plan; when he remembers, too, the horrors of that trade, and thinks of the amount of good involved in its suppression, he will acknowledge that this single item is enough to overbalance a vast amount of incidental evil-should such be found connected with it and to repay abundantly any probable labors and sacrifices that may be required to effect it.

Again, Mr. Stuart acknowlėdges that Liberia, like Sierra Leone and the Cape of Good Hope, "forms a new centre, whence civilization and Christianity are radiating through the adjoining darkness. In this respect," he says "no praise can equal the worth of these settlements.” Here, also, the character of the colony is so evident, that even an enemy is compelled to acknowledge its value as a means of extending through Africa the blessings of civilization and Christianity. What are these blessings? Such as to be counterbalanced by trifling evils? Such that to bestow them on Africa is an object worthy of but little effort and but trifling sacrifices? Let these questions be meditated upon in the spirit of Christ.

What must be the plan and actual character of a colony, the influence of which is such as Mr. Stuart describes. What in fact is the plan and character of the colonies at Liberia and Cape Palmas? These questions are not to be answered by petty cavils at the conduct of this or that individual, or by the mention of censurable customs that may have been, in some quarters, countenanced. The subject must be considered as a whole, and in all its bearings. If the general plan is good, mistakes and errors in the minor details of it will be corrected by experience: and it is mean and illiberal, as well as unchristian, to oppose the enterprize by attempting to fix attention exclusively on a few alleged faults, even if the allegations are founded in fact, But this point deserves an article by itself.

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