The extract which we shall now make from Dr. HODGKIN's work, begins with a proposition, exhibiting in a single striking sentence, a whole volume of argument:

It is worthy of remark, that, with all the concessions which the Colonization Society has made in favour of the present legal prerogatives of slaveholders, the only right of the master, for which they contend, is that of liberty to emancipate his slaves. It is stated in the Fourteenth Report, 1831, p. 25: "The accomplishment of our object will secure to every proprietor of slaves an opportunity, if he thinks proper, to exercise the right of disposing of his property as he pleases; a right for which we all strenuously contend, but which none of us possess." R. R. Gurley, in his admirable Essay, published in the Appendix of the same Report, p. 23, observes: "It is the success of the Society, it is the fulfilment of the hopes and predictions of its founders, that has awakened the desperate and malig nant spirit which now comes forth to arrest its progress. Voluntary emancipation begins to follow in the train of colonization; and the advocates of perpetual slavery are indignant at witnessing, in effectual operation, a scheme which permits better men than themselves to exercise, without restraint, the purest and the noblest feelings of our nature. These strenuous assertors of the right to judge for themselves, in regard to their domestic policy, are alarmed at a state of things which secures the same right to every individual of their community. Do they apprehend that the system which they would perpetuate cannot continue unimpaired, unless the privilege of emancipating his slaves, for the purpose of colonization, shall be denied to the master? Do they feel, that, in this country and this age, the influences of truth and freedom are becoming too active and powerful? and that all their forces must be summoned to the contest with these foes to their purposes and their doctrines? If so, their defeat is inevitable."

Our opponents endeavour to represent the Colonization Society as hostile to the people of colour, whom it has unjustly stigmatized and libelled. I believe that the Colonization Society, in its description of this class, has stated what it conceived to be strictly true.-It was necessary that it should point out their deplorable and almost hopeless condition, when it appealed to benevolence for their relief: it was necessary that it should exhibit the reflected evils which recoil from this class upon those around them, when it wished to arouse the apathetic and selfish. In the Society's description of the general state of the free people of colour-to which, however, it admits with pleasure the existence of some bright exceptions-I see nothing but the natural consequences of the iniquitous system of slavery. In fact, a different state of things would have been a refutation of much that has been ably and excellently advanced by the Abolitionists themselves. The report of the degraded and demoralized condition of the majority of the free people of colour has been confirmed to me by every traveller who has visited America with whom I have had the opportunity of conversing on the subject.—p. 23–24.

Of the authorities adduced by Dr. H. in support of the foregoing remarks, we have room for only one. It is the following, taken from the Christian Examiner for January, 1833:

"Even in those parts which are denominated free States, the coloured free people are by no means exempt from the effects of the most unjustifiable prejudices; for, whether at home or abroad, in public places of amusement or in the sanctuary of the Lord, they are alike the subjects of scorn and contempt! As an illustration of their degraded condition, even in such cities as Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, it is only necessary to state, that a while barber would think himself grossly insulted were a coloured person, however respectable in Society, to enter his shop for the purpose of getting shaved!"

This last quotation deserves particular attention. It is from the pen of Nathaniel Paul, himself a man of colour. From this quotation, as well as from other sources, we may learn the indisputable, but important and lamentable fact, that the degraded and oppressed condition of the free people of colour is by no means confined to the slave-holding States. I would particularly press this fact on the consideration of those who oppose the views of the Colonization Society, whilst they defend the measures of the Anti-Slavery Society. -p. 25-26.

The following additional observations on the condition of the people of colour in the U. States, occur in a subsequent part of the pamphlet:

It is a lamentable fact, which, however contradicted by our opponents, is confirmed by impartial testimony, that exalted piety is no protection against the deep-rooted prejudice which has strongly possessed itself of the minds of the Americans generally; not even excepting those who are conspicuous as the advocates of religion, and who are, perhaps, justly esteemed as adorning the doctrine which they profess. Is it not notorious, that the people of colour either perform their religious devotions in entirely separate companies; or, if they meet in the same buildings with whites, are obliged to keep themselves to a distinct and peculiar situation in them? With the exception of some, who have visited America from Liberia, I have not been able to hear of more than one or two instances of

coloured persons, whatever may have been their virtue and piety, being admitted into the private society of their white brethren, on terms which evinced that even in their individual character they were exempt from the degrading prejudice under which the mass of their coloured countrymen are oppressed. For my own part, whilst I execrate this prejudice, I feel that there is as much cause to pity as to blame many of those whose conduct is influenced by it: and I may add, that I firmly believe that the Colonization Society, though it may appear in the first instance to yield to the prejudice which it cannot immediately destroy, is really preparing the death-blow for it, when it completely removes those who have been its victims from the sphere of its influence, to prepare them to re-appear in the field under new auspices.

If Christianity does not directly liberate the coloured man in America from the degradation which oppresses him, can it be surprising that property and personal accomplishments also fail? An accomplished and distinguished American physician, from an enlightened and liberal State, informed me that he had several coloured families amongst the respectable and profitable class of his patients. He had no feeling of unkindness towards them, or complaint to make against them; yet he told me, that in society they were completely excluded from the rest of the community.-p. 29.

For all purposes of practical benefit to the coloured population of the U. States, it is less important to inquire whether the prejudice there prevailing against them, be, or be not, "execrable," than to determine, its existence and strength being conceded, on the best mode of rescuing them from its effects. Such a mode, we firmly think, has been devised by the Colonization Society, in offering to convey such free coloured persons as wish to be so conveyed, to a region where this "prejudice," whether justly execrable or not, is unknown. And here it seems obvious, that every proof furnished by the Anti-Colonizationists of the extent, and, to use their own word, "rancour" of this prejudice in the U. States, is a fresh argument in favour of removing the objects of it beyond the sphere of its operation. If it be difficult to reason men out of a "prejudice," denunciation and abuse are instruments still less effectual. When the Anti-Slavery party, as they style themselves, shall set the example of intermarrying with the blacks, there will be some reason for believing that their asserted horror at this "prejudice" is sincere; but while no such evidence is furnished, and especially since their late solemn disclaimer, as of an imputed crime, of any matrimonial designs on their coloured brethren and sisters, the conclusion is inevitable that they disbelieve, like their adversaries, in the possibility of a physical amalgamation, and consequently of a social and political equality between the two races. The intelligent writer in the Christian Mirror, whose article will be found in another part of this number, has demonstrated that the condition of the free coloured people in this country, even under the most favourable circumstances, is one of degradation; and that it is made so by causes as permanent as their continuance among us. Now, has any scheme, save that of Colonization, for elevating the condition of these unfortunate persons been yet devised, that any candid and informed mind can deem practicable? And when the consequences of the Abolition projects to the Federal Union, and to the safety of its citizens are considered, can the most ingenious charity find a better excuse for their projector, than in bottomless ignorance and unteachable fanaticism?

Among the misrepresentations noticed by Dr. HODGKIN, is the celebrated one of a passage in a speech delivered by the Hon. WILLIAM S. ARCHER, a high-minded and distinguished Virginian, in the year 1832. We subjoin the obnoxious passage with the commentary of our author:

"If none were drained away, slaves became, except under peculiar circumstances of climate and production, inevitably and speedily redundant; first, to the occasions of profitable employment, and, as a consequence, to the faculty of comfortable provision for them. No matter what the humanity of the owners; fixed restriction on their resources Lusttransfer itself to the comfort, and then to the subsistence, of the slave. At this last stage, the evil in this form had to stop. To this stage (from the disproportioned rate of ultiplication of the slaves-double that of the owners, in this country) it was though at different periods, in different circumstances, to come. When this stage had

obliged,

ple upon which the most disinterested philanthropists advocate the emigra dundant pauper population of this country to territories where their prospe en and their energies find scope. The entire speech forms an interes amongst the records of the Society; since it makes us acquainted with the s passionate sentiments of a body of men whose number and influence make whether correct or erroneous, the subject of important consideration, in co any measure affecting the state of society in which they are placed. W shall take the liberty of making some few extracts from the speech in ques Dr. H. thus again adverts to an objection which he had be of.

If the principal object of the Colonization Society, as its opponents insi interested and selfish desire, on the part of the slave-owners, to drain o black population that they might increase the value and more easily hol those that remain, we should expect to find a mutual combination amongs this purpose by some general sacrifice, rather than a few individuals gene their entire property in slaves for the sake of those who are really their riva ber of slave-owners who, notwithstanding the high price which they m their slaves, have come forward in this manner and manumitted them, or determination to do so as soon as the Society's means will allow them to e nization, proves both that the desire to emancipate is by no means wanti calumniated citizens of the South, and that the difficulties in the way of which their adversaries seem unwilling to admit, had really been to them In some instances, the plea of selfishness has been more completely refu nevolent anxiety on the part of the masters to benefit their slaves exhibit which they have taken to prepare them for emigration, and even by their tially paying their expenses to the colony. A striking instance of this has the benevolent Margaret Mercer; who has not only given up her patrimony pared them for colonization, and sent them to Liberia, but devotes her life profession of schoolmistress, and her mansion to the purpose of a school, crease her means of benefitting the Afro-American people of colour. El field, Col. Early, and the Breckenridges, also deserve honourable mention, duct.

Dr. Aylett Hawes, of Virginia, has bequeathed freedom to about 100 for each, to assist the Colonization Society in conveying them to Liberia.

The first of the subjoined paragraphs is founded in deep a losophy; and, coming as it does from a foreigner, is an impres to those domestic agitators who are sporting with the Institu peace of their Country:

I cannot quit this subject without offering a remark which seems to be it. In fully admitting that "knowledge is power," and that it is one of the fruits of the injustice of absolute authorities to withhold it from their subje sary that those who are desirous to correct this state of things, and promote knowledge, should be circumspect and cautious as to their mode of introd wise there is a danger of exhibiting to them all the evils of their position be the power to extricate themselves; lest, startled and agitated by the discove struggles injurious to themselves and those around them: as when the blin rom a horse in harness, the sudden discovery of the apparatus attached to h ake fright, and hurry vehicle, passengers, and himself to destruction. I he Abolitionists of America, and more especially the Editor of the "Libe elieve, in some degree, fallen, and thereby contributed to promote the pas ive laws.

It is not the end, but the means, of which I am doubtful. The energet he Liberator has not, that I am aware, induced a single slaveholder to re

antil

ed individual. The fault, however, is, in part, his own. He fails in persuading the master, and is suspected of agitating the blacks, who form, as he has told us, at least two-thirds of his subscribers.

Great importance appears to be attached to the protests and remonstrances published by several congregations of free blacks in America, in opposition to the Colonization Society: but it should be remembered, that these individuals are at perfect liberty to remain where they are; that so far from having any personal acquaintance with the settlement of Liberia, to give value to their opinion, they merely re-echo the sentiments of the Editor of the Liberator, of whose journal they are the chief support: and, above all, it must be borne in mind, that their sentiments are directly opposed to those of the people of colour who have visited the colony, or taken pains to make themselves authentically acquainted with it. "Some of the authors of this objection, have first persuaded them not to emigrate, and then pronounced that they will not. Their prediction and their argument have both failed."-3d Report, 1820, p. 23.

The very favourable report of Simpson and Moore, deliberately offered to their brethren, on their return from Liberia, is so complete and important a negative to the assertions of W. Lloyd Garrison, that he has endeavoured to set it aside, as not being genuine—and, with this view, asserted the accredited authors to be ignorant individuals, unable to read and write, and consequently incompetent to have produced the report in question. This statement was made to several of my friends, by W. Lloyd Garrison himself, during his short stay in this country. By a very remarkable contingency, Anson G. Phelps, the highly respectable citizen of New York who received Simpson and Moore immediately on their landing from Liberia, happens to have been in this country since this assertion was made; and being accidentally in company with one of the gentlemen to whom it was addressed, that gentleman, who also by accident became acquainted with the fact of his having so received Simpson and Moore, took the opportunity of making inquiries respecting them; and received in return, not only the assurance that they were, as the circumstance of their selection by their brethren seemed to imply, persons of good understanding and competent education, but that he had seen the journal they had kept, from the time of their leaving Natchez up to the period of their arrival at New York.—p. 32–33.

We are happy to observe that JAMES BROWN's exposition of the misrep resentations circulated by the Anti-Colonizationists of the statements of Price and Whittington, has attracted the attention of Dr. Hodgkin. He thus refutes another charge against the Society:

The enemies of the Colonization Society have endeavoured to represent its friends as guilty of subterfuge and inconsistency, in professing a design to civilize and Christianize Africa, by means of a class whose degraded and demoralized condition it has prominently exhibited. This is a charge which appears to be substantiated by the contrasted extracts which they have given; but it is by no means the conclusion to be obtained from a fair and connected perusal of the Society's publications.

From these it is evident, that they have, in general, taken great pains in the selection of their colonists; as a proof of which, they have had no occasion for whites in any official capacity, except that of Governor and Physician. Although they consider the degraded condition of the coloured population as the result of their unfortunate position in society, rather than an inherent characteristic of their race; and that consequently, under favourable circumstances, they may both improve themselves, and be the means of improving others; especial attention has been paid to avoid sending out such a proportion of an inferior class as to compromise the well-being and character of the colony. But it has been said, we have Governor Mechlin's own letter, in proof of the bad character of the emigrants whom you style Missionaries. It appears to me, that the legitimate inference to be drawn from that letter is, that the complaint made against a particular cargo of emigrants implies the general good character of those who preceded them; and the publication of that letter by the Society is both an evidence of its candour and frankness, and a proof of its desire to avoid the occasion of such an objection in future: it must be the means of obtaining increased attention to the selection and preparation of future emigrants, by which the Society cannot fail to benefit the blacks who stay, as well as those who go. Already some of the legal impediments to the education of negroes have been revoked, in favour of such as are destined for the coast of Africa; but it is obvious, that, of the many so educated, not a few may miss emigration, and remain in America. Again, those who are receiving instruction, as a qualification for colonization, will, in the mean time, be likely to improve those who may not be so fortunate, but with whom they may happen to have intercourse: nor need the jealousy of the enemies to negro education be excited by this indirect effect, since the knowledge so communicated, will be accompanied by a kindly rather than by a hostile feeling towards the whites.

I am surprised that the opponents of the Colonization Society should have taken offence at the designation of Africa as the native country of the negro, and affected to misunderstand its meaning. It is evident, that it merely implies that Africa is the cradle of the black race, and strictly of that particular black race which has been the victim of slavery

in the Western World; for the Colonizationists know, as well as their opponents, that there are black races in Australia and elsewhere: but when they contemplate removing the sons of Africa from a land to which, without their consent, they or their ancestors were conveyed, and in which they have had many privations, hardships, and indignities to endure, it is not surprising that Africa should present itself to their view as the most promising, and be spoken of as the mother or native country of the blacks.-p. 33–34

Though our extracts from this pamphlet have been copious, we must, in justice to Mr. CRESSON, insert Dr. HODGKIN's valuable testimony to the character of that gentleman:

Such is my conviction of the merits of the Colonization Society, founded on a careful examination of its objects and principles, of the measures which it employs, and of the results which have given proof of its power. An attentive perusal of its valuable Reports, as well as the testimony of impartial witnesses, cannot fail, I conceive, to produce the same sentiment in the minds of others; yet I do not hesitate to assert that I am open to conviction from the opposite side, if it can be shown that, in spite of all the evidence brought before me, I have been deceived. But were it possible for such an occurrence to take place, and detach my good wishes from the Colonization Society, I should, notwithstanding, be constrained to defend a calumniated individual, whose sincere and disinterested devotion to the cause of the Society has subjected him to obloquy and persecution. But, in the full persuasion which I have avowed of the merits of the Colonization Society, and of the justice of its cause, I should feel that, had my attempt been more successful than I can flatter myself it has been, it would still be imperfectly performed were I to leave unnoticed the injury which the Colonization Society has received from this country, in the person of its representative. Private friendship, as well as public justice, urge me to this part of the work which I have undertaken; and in espousing the cause of Elliott Cresson, I feel a pleasure in holding up the generous and disinterested conduct, the indefatigable energy, and persevering zeal of that philanthropist, notwithstanding the difficulties and discouragements with which he has been almost constantly met. Elliott Cresson, who had visited this country many years before he came to it as the advocate of the Colonization Society, has been long known, respected, and esteemed by myself personally. For many years he has been the friend of the coloured race in America. He early became interested in the success of the Colonization Society. When the very limited funds of the infant Institution arrested its proceedings, through inability to meet the difficulties which opposed it, insomuch that the continued existence of the Society appeared doubtful, Elliott Cresson came forward, and devoted all his energies to the cause. He made himself personally responsible for the equipment of a vessel charged with emigrants and effects for the reinforcement of the colony, then struggling for its doubtful existence: he revived the zeal of its friends; and a second and third vessel were already advanced in preparation, whilst their predecessors were hardly under weigh. The prospects of the Society rapidly brightened: the exertions of Auxiliary Societies increased its funds; from every part of the Union, donations and legacies came in; the influential members of almost every Christian community gave it the sanction of their approbation; and members of Congress publicly defended it. Elliott Cresson, instead of sitting down the delighted but inactive spectator of this prosperity, resolved to come over to this coun try; where he had previously endeavoured to obtain, by correspondence, friends and supporters for the Colonization Society. He came as the official organ of that Society, but took upon himself the charges of this long and unavoidably expensive mission. Instead of finding his cause generally and warmly espoused in a country which has rendered itself conspicuous by its efforts as well as its professions in favour of Africa and Africans, whom it had once been foremost to oppress, his labours were impeded, or actively opposed, by many of those very individuals who made themselves prominent as the advocates of the African cause in England, and who were consequently looked up to as guides, in conduct and opinion, in reference to this subject. He has, however, received the sanction and encouragement of some of those whose opinions are every way entitled to the greatest deference and respect. It is enough to say, that Wilberforce honoured and supported him by his friendship, and continued to avow his approbation of the Colonization Society, notwithstanding the attacks and insinuations of its adversaries, until near the period of his lamented death, when the ex-parte statements of those who knew the importance of his authority obtained a triumph, the achievement of which confers no honour. Elliott Cresson still retains the friendship, as his cause does the good wishes, of the venerable Clarkson, than whom no one is more competent to judge of any measures in which Africa is concerned, or more acutely sensible to every thing which can prejudice her or her injured

sons.

Let it not be supposed that he has abandoned the cause of Liberia, in the foundation of which he took an active part, because, at the close of an active and well-spent life, encumbered with the various infirmities of age, he does not come forward to join in discussions which could not be otherwise than painful to him, inasmuch as they would bring him into apparent collision with some of his oldest friends. Let it be enough for the foes as well as the friends of Elliott Cresson and Liberia to know, that the blessings of the venerable Clarkson rest upon both.