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Achobar, 178, s.=Ir. accobor, accobum. 'desiderium', from ad-chobor: cf. adchobraim 'volo' Z. 431.

Agu, 6, a. 'a face', Ir. agaid: don agaid (gl. facies) Gildas 42.

Ardoballaib, 212, prep. nom. 'before', 'Opposite': this is the meaning of the Irish gloss ar-beluib. In ar-do I see two prepositions (or is do the possessive pronoun V): in ballaib the dat. pl. of ball 'limb' 'member' = QaWog. As to the use in Irish of words meaning parts of the body to form nominal prepositions, see tax-cenn, Z. 616, archiunn, Z. 618, ax-gnuis 'before', Felire Jan. 9, ax-beolu, Z. 993, iax-ctiid, Z. 1050, ior-a.culu, Z. 882, ax-suil. Z. 1043, etc. So in Italian are used pie, petto, in Spanish frente, cava (Diez, E. W. ii. 56, s. v. Rimpetto): similar forms in Welsh are in Zeuss p. 558.

Baicead, 13, s. 'neck'. Also Irish bacad .i. brdige, O'Clery.

Bar, 141, s. 'the sea'. A similar word is given as Irish in the glossaries: cognate are Ir. bara ' wrath', W. bar 'agitation' 'wrath.'

Beathan, 113, s. 'acow': leg. bethan and cf. Ir. beithech, bethach ' a cow', O'Davoren, pp. 57, 115.

Bibe, 130, s. 'a bee': a reduplicated form like cicinel 165 : see Pictet Origg. i. 404.

Bisi, 18, s. 'a finger': cf. Corn. bis (gl. digitus) W. bys, M. Bret. bes 'finger.' In the Irish bisi ega 'pieces of ice', we have a loan from low-latinpetia 'frustum.'

Blaistiud, 277, s. 'a sound'. Ir. blosgadh. In blaistiud the sc may have become st, as in Manx, where eeast is found for Ir. iasc 'fish', feastor for feascor ' evening', trostey for troscadh 'fasting' etc.

Boige, 75, s. 'caldron.' This word occurs as Irish in Cormac's Glossary.

Brasach 100 s. 'buttermilk' = Ir. bldthach? or cf. (with M. Nigra) Piemontais-canavais brossa 'lait de la vache apres qu'elle a vele'.

Bue, 283, s. is glossed by gath 'a spear': M. Nigra compares Piedmontese bua ' epi,'' dent du rateau, du peigne,' etc.

Buiglen, 116, 'calf : leg. buiclen (buiclenf), and cf. Latinbucula.

Caipist, 121, s. 'a cat': cf. Latin capio. The suffix ist is also in luipist 122.

Caithen, 27 s. 'dung': cf. perhaps, O. Ir. cdith (gl. acus, gl. furfur). Or may we assume the loss of initial s and compare Gr. <ricarde gen. of

Cerbele, 204, 'an artizan': cf. with cerb W. celf f. 'art,' celfyddwr 'artisan.' The root is probably KAB-, Skr. kri. The suffix ele is perhaps a corruption of -ario, Ir.-aire, which, however, occurs unchanged in culaire 105.

Cloinntinne, 286, 'heard.' A participle past passive from a verb = Ir. cluinim 'audio.' The suffix is compound, ta-r.a-ya. The Gaelic cluintinn is used as a pres. part. Highland Society's Dictionary, i. 239.

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Goll, 22, 'blind.' robatar tri ainmin la iilto .i. conall cloen 7 cuchulainn goll 7 cuscraid mend (TJlstermen had three blemishes, to wit, Conall the Crooked, and Cuchulainn the Blind, and Cuscraid the Dumb) LL. 75. a. 1.: cech ben rocarastar coinculainn no-gollad iarom a rose 'every woman who loved Cuchulainn, her eye was afterwards blinded.' Seirgl. Conculainn. Gorm, 219, 'a garden,' either from the same root as Ir. gor-t, Gr. x°P-T°£> Lat. hor-tus, or from that of the Zend zaremaya 'viriditas,' Justi, 123. Idluisne, 209, s. 'a rushlight?' Here id may be cognate with Corn. iteu, Bret. eteo 'a firebrand,' and luisne (which is found in O'Reilly) with Ir. luisse (gl. flamma). Leithed, 253, 'half.' Leithet A. leth 'half is given as Irish in H. 3.

18, p. 71 col. 3. W. lied. Liber, 147, 'sea:' cf. libo, Gr. \elfiw, with which Lottner (Kuhn's Zeits, vii. 174) puts Liber, Libera, and liberi: comparing Gr. <Spd<roe 'the young of animals,' Aesch. Ag. 141. Or is l-ib-er simply manufactured from ler as m-ab-ar, 135, perhaps, from mdr? Loisiom, 194, 'we will eat,' or ' let us eat,' seems an s-future or conjunctive from a verb = Ir. lungu 'edo.' Luan, 160, adj. 'fair,' 'white' is = the Ir. luan 'moon,' W. lleu-ad,

perhaps the Pictish luan in the man's name Cath-luan. Luathan, 123, s. 'bird,' a diminutive from an adjective = Ir. luath

'swift.' Luipist, 122, 'mouse,' a derivative (cf. caip-ist) from the root LTJP ' to

destroy,' 'to spoil,' to which I would refer Lat. lupus. Luis, 17,' hand.' This is given as Irish in Egerton, 1782. (Mus. Brit.) Muadailm , 72, 'a large pail:' The muad here and in the next word

seems =Ir. muadh, which O'Clery glosses by mor ' big.' Muadhgalan, 102, 'a mill:' galan is probably from the root gri, whence Gr. ypdla KapSoirog ' a mortar' (Hesych. cited by Curtius G. E. No. 130), yvpig ' fine meal,' granum— corn. Niec, 262, pron. 'any one.' The ec in this obscure pronominal form is probably identical with the ic which so often occurs in the Brehon laws as an enclitic, e.g. eisideic, 1 Senchas m6r 4, eisidec ib. 60, 'he' seic ib. 56, 84, 'he' and seic ib. 'there,' umpaseic ib. 74, 'respecting them.' 0, 26, s. 'ear,' leg. o. This is also Irish (6 and au in au-nasc, etc.) and = Lith. ausis, Lat. auris for ausis (cf. aus-culto) with the usual loss of s between the vowels. Ondach, 56, 'a vassal' 1 'peasant'? Possibly a derivative from a preposition ond = Skr. adhas 'under,' which occurs also, perhaps, in onn-caill, 176. Piplennan, 108, 'a little tirnpan.' Some kind of musical instrument. A reduplicated form 1 or a triple diminutive, pip-Uen-nan ? cf. W. pibell a pipe. Sceman, 124, 'fox' = W. ysgafn 'levis,' O. W. *scaman, whence the

denominative scamnhegint (gl. levant) Juvencus. Sceng, 196, 'a bed.' This is also Irish. If nghere has come from nd we may perhaps compare Lat. sponda.

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