185. Tinnechair [ms. Tinnea- | 210. Gortrailbhe .i. caoindealbh forma jucunda'

186. Tinniches [ms. Tinnices] 211. Daurlar .i. lar 'solum,' .i. tes in meridie'

187. Tinnichiar .i. tiar in occi- 212. Ardoballaib .i. arbeluib

188. Tinnechuaidh .i. tuaidh' in 213. Anrosar .i. pater

ar ndeogh 'bibamus po- 223. Onnbealascan

196. Sceng [ms. Sgeng].i. iomda

[PAGE 117, COLUMN 2.]

.i. codlud 224. Derclíte .i. dúinnte 'clausus' 225. Mainiciall .i. mall 'lentus'

198. Sailscon .i. snadud praesi- 226. Maincir .i. cir 'pecten'

199. Comroisge .i. comairce 228. Maincirt no Mvnghort .i.

cán?].i. alegoucan 'O 268. Betlim .i. deabaid 'cervitule parve!

241. Cunculut i. cutut [leg. 269. Motñllsi [leg. Motmillsi?] i. misi egomet'

242. Rothinnicht bas.i.dacuaidh 270. Foratmillsi .i. ol misi bás 'qui mortem obiit'

244. Aoinndir .i. aonar unus 273. Vncullut .i. ocut apud te ' 274. Vncullvm .i. ocumm' apud

homines' [ad v. eorum 275. Iomcollamair .i. imcomair duitate']

249. Sealsor .i. sesior 'sex 280. Metchennacht .i. mallacht

NOTES.

Achobar, 178, s. Ir. accobor, accobur n. 'desiderium', from ad-chobor: cf. adchobraim 'volo' Z. 431.

Agu, 6, s. a face', Ir. agaid: don agaid (gl. facies) Gildas 42. Ardoballaib, 212, prep. nom. 'before', opposite': this is the meaning of the Irish gloss ar-béluib. In ar-do I see two prepositions (or is do the possessive pronoun?): in ballaib the dat. pl. of ball limb' 'member' = paλλós. As to the use in Irish of words meaning parts of the body to form nominal prepositions, see tar-cenn, Z. 616, archiunn, Z. 618, ar-gnúis 'before', Félire Jan. 9, ar-beolu, Z. 993, iar-cúul, Z. 1050, for-a-culu, Z. 882, ar-súil. Z. 1043, etc. So in Italian are used pie, petto, in Spanish frente, cara (Diez, E. W. ii. 56, s. v. Rimpetto): similar forms in Welsh are in Zeuss p. 558. Baicead, 13, s. 'neck'. Also Irish bacad .i. bráige, O'Clery.

Bar, 141, s. 'the sea'. A similar word is given as Irish in the glossaries: cognate are Ir. bara wrath', W. bar agitation' wrath.'

Beathan, 113, s. 'a cow': leg. bethan and cf. Ir. beithech, bethach 'a cow', O'Davoren, pp. 57, 115.

Bibe, 130, s. 'a bee': a reduplicated form like cicinel 165: see Pictet Origg. i. 404.

Bisi, 18, s. a finger': cf. Corn. bis (gl. digitus) W. bys, M. Bret. bes 'finger.' In the Irish bisi ega 'pieces of ice', we have a loan from low-latin petia 'frustum.'

Blaistiud, 277, s. 'a sound'. Ir. blosgadh. In blaistiud the sc may have become st, as in Manx, where eeast is found for Ir. iasc 'fish', feastor for feascor' evening', trostey for troscadh fasting' etc.

6

Boige, 75, s. caldron.' This word occurs as Irish in Cormac's Glossary. Brasach 100 s. 'buttermilk' Ir. bláthach? or cf. (with M. Nigra) Piémontais-canavais brossa lait de la vache après qu'elle a

vélé'.

Bue, 283, s. is glossed by gath 'a spear' : M. Nigra compares Piedmontese bua 'épi,''dent du râteau, du peigne,' etc.

Buiglen, 116, 'calf': leg. buiclen (buiclén ?), and cf. Latin bucula. Caipist, 121, s. 'a cat': cf. Latin capio. The suffix ist is also in luipist 122.

Caithen, 27 s. 'dung': cf. perhaps, O. Ir. cáith (gl. acus, gl. furfur). Or may we assume the loss of initial s and compare Gr. σkarós gen. of σκῶρ, σπατίλη.

C'erbele, 201, 'an artizan': cf. with cerb W. celf f. 'art,' celfyddwr 'artisan.' The root is probably KAR, Skr. kri. The suffix ele is perhaps a corruption of -ario, Ir.-aire, which, however, occurs unchanged in culaire 105.

Cloinntinne, 286, 'heard.' A participle past passive from a verb = Ir. cluinim 'audio.' The suffix is compound, ta-na-ya. The Gaelic cluintinn is used as a pres. part. Highland Society's Dictionary, i. 239.

Cluipit, 76, s. a stone.' Possibly connected with Lat. scrupus. For the termination cf. troicit infra.

Creithne, 78, s. 'sieve :' read créithne and cf. Ir. críathar, Lat. crîòrum from *crîthrum. For the suffix ne cf. idluisne and goithni infra. Crisgeo, 39, a spear.' With cris cf. Goth. hrisian to shake': with geo Zend gaêçu, Justi, 99.

Crinna, 36, 'a girdle:' cognate with Gr. кiρ-кos, кρpíкoç, Lat. cir-cus, Ir. cr-is, Ohg. hr-ing.

Cud, (leg. cut?), 4, a head.' This word, spelt caut, cut, is given as Irish in several glossaries. See also Cormac B. s. v. Fothrucud. It seems borrowed from caput with loss of p in inlaut.

Daur, 66, 'god.' Possibly, as Siegfried thought, borrowed from the 0. N. Thêm But I should prefer regarding it as written for dair (Z. 78,) and this is a derivative from the root DHAR, whence Skr. dharana 'preserving,' dhartri 'preserver,' dharitrî 'supporter.' Daur-ailm 'ox,' 114, Dur-aibind, 115, 'cow: daur also occurs in the diminutive (?) daurutan 'calf.' The daur, dur may be cognate with Skr. dhurîna 'jumentum' (Bopp), dhurya 'a beast of burthen.' Doib, 82, 'a drink' re-occurs in the phrase edmam ar ndoib, 195. It stands for *dobi, and is probably cognate with Ir. daif .i. deogh, Cormac, B, and dobur water,' O. W. dubr, Z. 160.

Er, prep. in da fh)erno-er-ciach, 255, two men on ten :' cf. W. try-wyrar-dec, Z. 326, 'thirteen men,' lit. 'three men on ten.'

Ferial, 282, moisture:' cf. Skr. vāri 'water,' Zend vairi.

Fern, 60, s. a man,' nom. dual da(fh)erno, 255. If this word be not a fabrication (cf. feron supra, the formolad of fer) it is possibly for fersn, root vars, Skr. vrish whence vrshni 'ram,' vrishan 'bull,' and the Laconian sipny, which, however, according to Curtius shews no trace of the initial digamma. In the dual ferno (leg. feron ?) it is hardly possible to equate the termination o with that of the Latin ambo, duo and Greek inπw.

Foicert, 233, 'welcome? from fo 'bonus' (Skr. vasu), which is of common occurrence in Irish, and cert, O. Ir. ceird .i. ceimniugud no cinged, O'Davoren, p. 64,=Corn. kerd (gl. iter): cf. O. W. credam, for cerdam, gl. vado.

For, 270, says,' p. 58 supra, root SVAR?

Fualasg, 5, 'hair,' leg. fualasc, and cf. Ir. fualascach (gl. arbusta) p. 60. Fuilgen, 67, 'fire,' possibly borrowed from Lat. fulgens; but I would rather connect it with Skr. valg to advance by leaping' to fluctu

ate.'

Gairmnech, 118, 6

a goat,' derived from a stem-the Ir. n-stem gairm 'vocatio,' Gr. yñpus. See garta.

6

Garta, 218, voice,' root GAR, Skr. grî.

Glædmuine, 118, 'a goat.' In Cormac gláidemain is explained by mec thirewolves.' The glaed ('cry') may be cognate with Goth. gretan.

Goithni, 39, a spear:' cf. Ir. goth .i. ga, O'Clery, Ir. gath 'aculeus,' 'jaculum.' For the suffix -ni (leg. -ne, which in Irish is diminutival) cf. creithne supra and idluisne infra. O'Reilly has goithne a lance or spear.

G

Goll, 22, 'blind.' robatar tri ainmni la ulto .i. conall cloen 7 cuchulainn goll 7 cuscraid mend (Ulstermen had three blemishes, to wit, Conall the Crooked, and Cúchulainn the Blind, and Cuscraid the Dumb) LL. 75. a. 1. cech ben rocarastar coinculainn no-gollad iarom a rosc 'every woman who loved Cúchulainn, her eye was afterwards blinded.' Seirgl. Conculainn.

χόρτος,

Gorm, 219, 'a garden,' either from the same root as Ir. gor-t, Gr. Lat. hor-tus, or from that of the Zend zaremaya viriditas,' Justi, 123.

Idluisne, 209, s. 'a rushlight?' Here id may be cognate with Corn. iteu, Bret. eteo a firebrand,' and luisne (which is found in O'Reilly) with Ir. luisse (gl. flamma).

Leithed, 253, 'half.' Leithet .i. leth'half' is given as Irish in H. 3. 18, p. 71 col. 3. W. lled.

Liber, 147, 'sea:' cf. libo, Gr. λeißw, with which Lottner (Kuhn's Zeits, vii. 174) puts Liber, Libera, and liberi: comparing Gr. dpóros 'the young of animals,' Aesch. Ag. 141. Or is lib-er simply manufactured from ler as m-ab-ar, 135, perhaps, from már ?

Loisiom, 194, we will eat,' or 'let us eat,' seems an s-future or conjunctive from a verb Ir. lungu 'edo.'

=

Luan, 160, adj. 'fair,' 'white' is the Ir. luan moon,' W. lleu-ad, perhaps the Pictish luan in the man's name Cath-luan.

Luathan, 123, s. 'bird,' a diminutive from an adjective = Ir. luath 'swift.'

Luipist, 122, mouse,' a derivative (cf. caip-ist) from the root LUP' to destroy,'' to spoil,' to which I would refer Lat. lupus.

Luis, 17, 'hand.' This is given as Irish in Egerton, 1782. (Mus. Brit.) Muadailm, 72, a large pail:' The muad here and in the next word seems Ir. muadh, which O'Clery glosses by mór ‹ big.'

6

Muadhgalan, 102, a mill:' galan is probably from the root grî, whence Gr. ypaia kápdoños 'a mortar' (Hesych. cited by Curtius G. E. No. 130), yupis 'fine meal,' granum= corn.

Niec, 262, pron. 'any one.' The ec in this obscure pronominal form is probably identical with the ic which so often occurs in the Brehon laws as an enclitic, e.g. éisideic, 1 Senchas mór 4, eisidec ib. 60, he' seic ib. 56, 84, 'he' and seic ib. there,' umpaseic ib. 74, 'respecting them.'

6

O, 26, s. 'ear,' leg. ó. This is also Irish (ó and au in au-nasc, etc.) and Lith. ausis, Lat. auris for ausis (cf. aus-culto) with the usual loss of s between the vowels.

=

Ondach, 56, 'a vassal' ? 'peasant'? Possibly a derivative from a prepoSkr. adhas under,' which occurs also, perhaps, in

sition ond =
onn-caill, 176.

Piplennan, 108, 'a little timpan.' Some kind of musical instrument. A reduplicated form? or a triple diminutive, pip-l-en-nan ? cf. W. pibell a pipe.

=

Sceman, 124, fox' W. ysgafn 'levis,' O. W. *scaman, whence the denominative scamnhegint (gl. levant) Juvencus.

Sceng, 196, a bed.' This is also Irish. If ng here has come from nd we may perhaps compare Lat. sponda.