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moved to a distance before their ordination; and Messrs. John and Samuel Browne, dissatisfied with the proceedings of the society, separated with several who were like minded, and set up another. Governor Endicott, being of a hot temper, and not possessed of the greatest prudence, summoned the brothers before him as ringleaders of a faction; and apprehending that their conversation and conduct would occasion divisions, sent them back to England, against their own inclination notwithstanding their being counsellors, thinking himself justified by his public orders.

Let us return to the company in England.

[July 28.] Mr. Matthew Craddock, the governor, proposed at the general court, that, for the advancement of the plantation, the encouragement of persons of worth and quality to transplant themselves and families, and other weighty reasons, the government of the plantation should be transferred to its inhabitants, and not be continued in subordination to the company at London. The matter was debated; and it was agreed, that the persons present should seriously consider the business against the next general court; it was also requested, that they would in the mean while, conduct with that privacy, that the affair might not be divulged. At a month's end they met, and consented that the government and patent should be settled in NewEngland, if it could be done legally. They soon after received letters respecting the difference between governor Endicott and Messrs. John and Samuel Browne; and fearing that these two had in their private letters defamed the plantation, they opened and read a number of them, and ordered that none from Mr. Samuel Browne should be delivered; however, upon application from the brothers, they directed that they should have a copy of the accusation sent against them from New-England. The company's letter upon this business one to Messrs. Skelton and Higginson, and another to governor Endicott, intimated, that there had been in the parties addressed a degree of intemperance; that direct or oblique espersions had been thrown out against the state; and that undigested counsels had been too suddenly put into execution. They besides expressed an apprehension, lest, through an ill construction, the same might make the company obnoxious to any adversary.*

The difference that happened in the plantation, the treatment of the Brownes, and the reports circulated by them, undoubtedly occasioned much talk. Many would think it strange, that, while the charter was totally silent upon the head of religion, and several of the grantees and company though strongly opposed to *Suffolk Records.

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the tyrannies of the high-churchmen, were real episcopalians, persons of this profession should be debarred the right of worshiping according to their own judgment and consience, and be even expelled the plantation. These occurrences most probably forwarded the plan of Mr. Craddock. The advice of learned council was ordered to be taken, and it was considered how to execute the projected removal without offending government.

Among the other weighty reasons which induced them to remove, we must include the hope of getting beyond the reach of Laud and the high commissoned court: for the Massachusetts general court declared in 1651, "That seeing just cause to fear the persecution of the then Bishop and high commission, for not conforming to the ceremonies, they thought it their safest course to get to this outside of the world (America) out of their view, and beyond their reach

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[October 20.] The company, at a general court, proceeded to a new election of officers, who were to repair to and settle in New-England. They chose for governor John Winthrop, esq. of Groton, in Suffolk, a gentleman well known for his piety, liberality, wisdom and gravity. The business of transferring the patent and corporation, and of taking over new settlers, was prosecuted with vigor. The enterprise produced a general rumour, as its extent and magnitude, the number and principles of the person engaging in it, opened upon the public. The intentions of the parties being suspected, and jealousies arising 'concerning them, governor Winthrop and other gentlemen, to remove prejudices, conciliate the minds of the disaffected, and recommend themselves and their expedition to the favourable regards of all serious christians of the episcopal persuasion, addressed their brethren in and of the church of England, [April 7, 1630.] and afterwards sailed from Yarmouth in the isle of Wight, for America. The signers of the address, pray in the most solemn manner to be considered as their brethren, and desire it to be noted, that the principals and body of their company esteem it their honour to call the church of ENGLAND their dear mother. They acknowledge, that such hope and part as they have obtained in the common salvation, they have received in her bosom, and sucked from her breasts. They declare themselves members of her body; and that, while they have breath, they shall sincerely endeavour her welfare. They pronounce themselves a church springing out of her own bowels. Their professions are made in the strongest language.*

[June 12.] The company arrived at Salem; and soon were in number more than fifteen hundred persons from different * Hutchinson's Hiftory, Vol. I. p, 48 7,

counties

counties in England. Thy applyed themselves early to the forming of churches; but, the Rev. Mr. Cotton (who come from Boston in Lincolnshire to take leave of his departing friends at Southampton) having told them to advise with the Plymouthzans and to do nothing to offend them, and a precedent existing in the church at Salem, they dismissed all the peculiarities of episcopacy, and preferred the congregational mode in general. However, they had no settled plan of church-discipline till after the arrival of Mr. Cotton, [1633.] who was considerd as a kind of oracle in both civil and sacred matters, and gradually moulded all their church administrations, and thus determined the ecclesiastic constitution of the colony; therein verifying what Mr. Robinson had judiciously predicted, when he said "Many of those who have both wrote and preached against me and my people, were they in a place where they could have liberty and live comfortably, should do as we do."*

Governor Winthrop inserted in his manuscript history, a couple of anecdotes, of an earlier date than Mr. Cotton's arrival, which may amuse you. "July 30, 1631, Mr. Ludlow, in digging the foundation of his house at Dorchester, found two pieces of French money, one was coined 1596. They were in several places, above a foot within the firm ground." "June 13, 1632, At Watertown there was in the view of divers witnesses, a great combat between a mouse and snake; and after a long fight, the mouse prevailed and killed the snake." The minister of Boston, Mr Wilson a very sincere holy man, gives. this interpretation-"The snake is the devil, the mouse is a poor contemptable people whom God has brought hither, and who shall overcome Satan here, and dispossess him of his kingdom." "At the same time he told the governor, that before he resolved to come into the country, he dreamed that he was here, and saw a church arise out of the earth, which grew up and became a marvellous goodly church." He might think his dream divine; but it is easily accounted for as a common event, arising with the church-building out of a lively imagination, warmed and directed by a preponderating inclination. If, instead of interpreting the combat, he had only mentioned, that the event suggested to him such thoughts, and such an improvement, he would have evidenced more judgment and an equal degree of wisdom in seizing the happy circumstance.

The colony increased apace, by frequent and numerous accessions. But " it appears by private letters, that the departure of so many of the best, both ministers and private christians, did breed sad thoughts in those behind of the Lord's intention in

*Prince's Chronology, p. 23&

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the work, and an apprehension of some evil days to come upon England; yea, it began to be viewed by the council as a matter of state, so that warrants were sent to stay the ships, and to call in the patent; but, upon the petition of the ship-masters, alledging how beneficial the plantation was, they were released: Mr. Craddock, however, had strict charge to deliver in the pattent, and wrote to the company to send it home upon receipt of his letter. [July, 1634.] The governor and assistants consulted about it, and resolved to answer Mr. Craddock, but not to return any answer or excuse to the council for the present*."

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On the death of the duke of Buckingham, Laud became the king's prime minister in all affairs of both church and state; and on the death of Archbishop Abbot, he was exalted to the see of Canterbury. Possessed of such powers, he by his pliant tools made havock of the church, hauling and committing to prison conscientious ministers and laymen who would not bend to his antiscripturalimpositions so that the people were scattered abroad and passed over the Atlantic into America. The daily inroads of the court, on the civil rights of the subject, helped forward the emigration. From the beginning of the colony, until the emigration ceased through a change of affairs in England, [1640.] there arrived in 298 vessels about 21200 settlers (men, women and children) or 4000 families, but they did not all confine themselves to the Massachusetts. Notwithstanding the numbers that repaired thither when Josselyn visited Boston, in 1638," he found it rather a village than a town, there being not above 20 or 30 houses." These settlers were no less strenuous for their own particular rights and previleges than the Plymouthians. When the governor and company removed from London to the Massachusetts, they renounced the appearance of a corporation, and assumed the form of a commonwealth, varying, as it suited them, from the directions of the charter. The change of place and circumstances prevented their keeping to it in certain instances, tho' not in others; but they could easily satisfy themselves as to any violations; for "they apprehended themselves subject to no other laws or rules of government, than what arose from natural reason and the principles of equity, except any positive rules from the word of Godt." Persons of influence among them held, that birth was no necessary cause of subjection; for that the subject of any prince or state, had a natural right to remove to any other state or quarter of the world, when deprived of liberty of conscience; and that upon such removal his subjection ceased. They called their own a voluntary civil subjection, * Governor Winthrop's MS. Hiftory. Hutchinfon's Letter of December 7. 1762%

arising

arising merely from a mutual compact between them and the king, founded upon the charter. By this compact they acknowledged themselves bound; so that they could not be subject to or seek protection from any other prince, neither could make laws repugnant to those of England, &c. but, on the other hand, they maintained, that they were to be governed by laws made by themselves, and by officers of their own electing. They meant to be independent of English parliaments; and therefore when their intimate friends were become leading members in the house of commons, and they were advised, on account of the great liberty to which king Charles left the parliament, to send over some to solicit for them, and had hopes given that they might obtain much, the governor and. assistants, after meeting in council upon the occasion, "declined the motion, for this consideration, that, if they should put themselves under the protection of the parliament, they must then be subject to all such laws as they should make, or at least such as they might impose upon them, in which course, (though they should intend their good, yet) it might prove very prejudicial to them+."

Whatever approbation such sentiments may meet with from the friends of liberty, these must regret the inconsistencies to which human nature is subject, in those very persons whose experience should have taught them, to do unto others, as they would that others should have done unto them, when they themselves were suffering under the relentless hand of arbitrary go vernment. But, what is man ! [May 18, 1631.] So early as the second general court after the arrival of the governor and company, instead of resolving to admit all the suitable and de serving, to a generous participation of their freedon, they passed the pernicious and disingenuous order, "For time to come no man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic, but such as are members of some of the churches, within the limits of the same." They soon after concluded, that none but such should share in the administration of civil government, or have a voice in any election. Thus a powerful and mischievous alliance was formed between the churches and the state. The ascendency of the clergy was secured and much increased; for no one could be proposed to the church for a member, unless the minister allowed it. The ministers were consulted by the general court, in all matter of great moment; and nothing was determined in such cases, without a formal reference to them;

*Hutchinfon's Hiftory, Vol. I p. 251 and 252.

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Extract from Governor Winthrop's MS, Hiftory.fent me by Gov. Trumbull from Connecticut.

Maffachusetts Records, Vol. E

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