to my knowledge were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. They protected by YOUR arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence; have exerted a valor, amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country, whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of freedom, which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still-but prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respectable body of this house may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated--but the subject is too delicate--I will say no more." These sentiments were thrown out so entirely without premeditation, so forcibly and so firmly, and the breaking off was so beautifully abrupt, that the whole house sat a while amazed, intently looking, without answering a word.

It

The London merchants trading to America, being much alarmed on account of their outstanding debts, petitioned against the stamp act. Their petition was offered at the second reading of the bill. The rule of the house, never to receive petitions against money bills, was urged. General Conway observed, that it appeared undeniable, that the practice was by no means invariable; at best it was but a practice of convenience, from which they ought, in the present instance, to vary. The ministry publicly declared, "That it was intended to establish the power of Great-Britain to tax the colonies." They were induced to make a point of it, because most of the petitions from thence denied, in the strongest terms, the right of Britain to impose taxes. was evident that the ministerial forces would prevail, the petition of the London merchants was therefore withdrawn. After that the others from the colonies were offered, but rejected upon the plea taken from the rule of the house. During the debate upon the bill, in this stage of it, "General Conway denied the right of parliament to tax the Americans, in the most peremptory manner; and urged, with great vehemence, the many hardships, and what he was pleased to call absurdities that would follow from the contrary doctrine and practice." Alderman Beckford also * Mr. Ingerfoll's letter of March 6, 1765. YOL. I.

P

disputed

disputed the right of parliament, according to Mr. Ingersoll's

letter.

The supporters of the stamp act insisted much upon the colonies being virtually represented, and mentioned Leeds, Halifax, Birmingham, Manchester,&c. as enjoying a virtual representation. Whoever had a recourse to a virtual representation of the colonies, in vindication of the parliament's taxing them, therein acknowledged, that there ought not to be taxation without representation. But the difference between Leeds, Halifax, &c. and the American.colonies, is. as wide as the Atlantic. The landholders of those towns enjoy a real representation, if their freeholds yield a certain annual income.. Many of the inhabitants have a choice in the election of members, in one place or another. The general interests of the freeholders and tenants, electors and non-electors, are so interwoven, that all are liable to be equally affected by the same common taxes.. The one pays the same duty on his sugar, tea, coffee, and chocolate, as the other. The relative connection between them, produces. what may be called, with a kind of propriety, a virtual representation; answering, though in a lower degree, to what the family of a freeholder or freeman enjoys. But was all the soil in the British colonies a man's freehold, it would not give him a single vote for any one member of parliament. There is not an individua in them, who, should he cross the Atlantic, would have a right to vote in any election, by virtue of any privileges enjoyed in AmeHe must be a freeholder of Britain, or a freeman of some British city, borough, or corporation, and have a British quali fication, before he can elect or be elected.. The interests of Ame rica and Britain are not interwoven, as are those of British electors and non-electors. If the British parliament impose taxes on the Americans, Britons do not bear with them their part and proportion in the said taxes. The former are burdened that the latter may be eased. The monies raised have the nature of a tribute exacted from a conquered people in a slavish dependence, and not of a tax voluntarily granted by the voice of freemen, through their own elected representatives, paying scot and lot with themselves, for the support of government. Beside, the British parliament are so far removed from America, that they cannot obtain that full information respecting the colonies which ought always to accompany the exercise of a taxing power.:

rica.

When the question upon the bill, in its last stage, was brought to a vote, there were about 250 for, and 50 against it. In the house of lords, so strong was the unanimity, that there was not a single syllable uttered against the bill; and on the twenty-second of March, it obtained the royal assent. The night after it was

passed

passed, Dr. Franklin wrote Mr. Charles Thomson,* "the sun of liberty is set; you must light up the candles of industry and economy." Mr. Thomson answered, he was apprehensive that other lights would be the consequence, and predicted the opposition that followed.

The framers of the stamp act flattered themselves, that the confusion which would arise upon the disuse of writings, would compel the colonies to use the stamp paper, and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. Thus they were led to pronounce it, a law which would execute itself. Mr. Grenville, however, appears to have been apprehensive that it might occasion disorders; to prevent or suppress which, he projected another bill, which was brought in the same session, whereby it was to be made lawful for military officers in the colonies, to quarter their soldiers in private houses. This seemed intended to awe the people into a compliance with the other act. Great opposition being made to it, as under such a power in the army, no one could look on his house as his own, that part of the bill was dropt; but there still remained a clause, when passed into a law, to oblige the seve ral assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding, candles, small beer, rum, and sundry other articles, at the expence of the several provinces; which continued in force when the stamp act was repealed. It equally militated with the other against the American principle, That money is not to be raised on English subjects without their consent. Whatever might be urged, government was under no necessity of adopting the mode of taxing the colonies for their defence, and the securing of the new ceded countries. Though after the general peace an Indian war might be continued or renewed; that was no reason for continuing British forces in America. The colonists were better able to deal with them than the regulars. The new ceded countries required ne great number of troops to secure them. The colonies were at hand to support the British garrisons in case assistance was wanted: and they had repeatedly shewed their readiness upon former occasions. The idea of a dangerous enemy upon the American continent, was at an end; and the British administration must have been inexcusable, had they not guarded against the transferring of one from Europe. It was become futile to exclaim-" Shall it depend upon the resolutions of a Philadelphia assembly, whether our fellow subjects shall arm in defence of liberty and property? Does the fate of a whole continent bear any proportion to an al most imperceptible encroachment upon the important privilege of an American, deliberating for a year or two, whether he will *The prefent fecretary of congrefs.

pay

pay six-pence in the pound to save himself and family from perdition?" The danger of perdition was a mere bugbear, which might frighten the ignorant into an apprehension that it was absolutely necessary to maintain an army in America, for the expence of which the colonies should be made to answer; but the Americans knew better than to startle at the spectre. Had no more troops been stationed upon the American continent than circumstances called for, the ministry might have obtained all the aids it was reasonable for the colonies to have given, by the old mode of requisition. From the time that they were first considered as capable of granting aids, the constant mode of obtaining them, was by requisition from the crown, through the governors to the several assemblies; and the ministers, from Charles II. to the present king, most effectually recognised the distinction between parliamentary superintendance and taxation, in their requisitions to the colonies to raise men and money by acts of assembly. Had this happy method been continued, alt the money that could have been justly expected from them in any manner, might have been procured without the least breach of that harmony which so long subsisted between the colonies and the mother country; and it was not acting wisely to thwart unnecessarily the prejudices of the Americans. But the imposition of taxes upon them might be introductory to, or a part of the plan for overturning their civil and religious liberties, alluded to by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, before even the sugar act had passed.

The stamp act having passed, the colony agents waited upon Mr. Wheatley by desire, who told them, that Mr. Grenville did not think of sending from Great-Britain stamp officers, but wished to have discreet and respectable persons appointed from among the inhabitants; and that he would be obliged to them to point out to him such persons. Thus the agents were drawn in to nominate. Dr. Franklin recommended Mr. Hughes to be chief distributor of stamps in Pennsylvania, and Mr. Cor in the Jerseys; and being consulted by Mr. Ingersoll, advised him to accept, adding, go home and tell your countrymen to get children as fast as they can thereby intimating his opinion of the oppres sion the colonists were under, and of their present inability to make effectual resistance; but that they ought, when sufficiently numerous, to shake off the yoke and recover their liberty. It is apparent from the recommendations, and the appointments made in consequence of the nominations, that the agents were far from thinking that such disturbances would have been occasioned by the stamp act, or they would have spared their friends. They certainly expected the act would have gone

down, and the stamp papers have been used. But it was the

reverse.

A general discontent through the Massachusetts discovered itself immediately on the first advice of the acts having passed; but there was no other expectation among the bulk of the people, than that the act would be submitted to, and the duty paid; and several who afterward opposed it violently, made interest with the distributor, that they or their friends might obtain appointments. The newspapers, indeed, groaned for the loss of liberty; however, nothing extravagant appeared in them; but the friends to the claims of the colonies, pleased with Barre's sheech, and what he had pronounced the Americans, assumed to themselves the title of SONS OF LIBERTY.

In Connecticut the inhabitants were quite inattentive to the fatal consequences that the act might draw after it in some distant period. The judges themselves, several of whom were of the council, appeared perfect se cure, and were no ways alarmed. The Rev. Mr. Stephen Jonson of Lyme, vexed and grieved with the temper and inconsiderateness of all orders of people, determined, if possible, to rouse them to a better way of thinking. He consulted a neighbouring gentleman, an Irishman by birth, who undertook to convey the pieces he might pen to the NewLondon printer, so secretly as to prevent the author's being discovered. Three or four essays were published upon the occasion. The eyes of the public began to open, and fears were excited. Other writers engaged in the business, while the first withdrew, having fully answered his intention. The congregational ministers saw further into the designs of the British administration than the bulk of the colony; and, by their publications and conversation, increased and strengthened the opposition.It became so considerable, that when governor Filch proposed that he and the counsellors should be sworn agreeable to the stamp act, colonel Trumbull* went out, and refused even to witness to the transaction. Others followed this spirited example, and only four of the council remained.

In Virginia a general disposition appeared to submit to the stamp act but George Johnston and Patrick Henry, esqrs. consulted together; and afterward, at the close of the sessions, when there was but a thin house, many members being absent preparing to return home, Mr. Henry brought in a number of resolves.They were as follows, viz.. "Whereas the honorable house of cominons in England, have of late drawn into question how far the general assembly of this colony hath power to enact laws for laying of taxes and imposing duties, payable by the people of this

*Late governor Trumbull of Connecticut.