cochineal, &c. as occasion served) was almost destroyed instantly, by the armed ships under the new regulations. The trade was not literally and strictly according to law, but highly beneficial; and a thorough statesman would have declined employing his own navy in crushing it. The trade also from the northern colonies with the French West-India islands was nearly suppressed. These irritating measures strengthened the opposition to the sugar act.

[June 13.] The Massachusetts assembly, who were the first representative body that took the act into consideration, ordered, that Mr. Otis and four others of the house should be a committee in the recess of the court, to write to the other govern→ ments, and acquaint them with the instructions voted to be sent to their agent; and that the said committee, in the name and behalf of the house, should desire the several assemblies on the continent to join with them in the same measures. The com mittee attended to the business; and the end proposed by it was answered: committees were moreover appointed by divers other colonies to correspond with the several assemblies, or committees of assemblies on the continent. Thus a new kind of correspondence was opened between the colonies, tending to unite them in their operations against ministerial encroachments on their privileges, and which proved of great advantage to them afterward.

[Oct. 24.] At the next session a committee was appointed to consider the state of the province, as it might be affected by certain duties and taxes laid, and proposed to be laid by acts of parliament upon the colonies. The consequence was, a committee of the council and house to prepare an address to the parliament. The lieutenant governor, Mr. Hutchinson, who was of the coun cil, was chairman, but declined drawing up any. Several were proposed, which expressed in strong terms an exclusive right in the assembly to impose taxes. He urged the indecency and bad policy, when they had the resolutions of the house of commons before them, of sending an address, asserting, in express words, the contrary. Many days having been spent upon the business, at the desire of the committee he drafted an address, which considered the sole power of taxation as an indulgence of which they prayed the continuance, and it was unanimously agreed to. The petition does not intimate the least denial of the right of parliament to tax them; but sets forth the impolicy of the laws, and the hardships brought upon the petitioners, and prays that they may be relived from the burdens brought upon them by the sugar sct; that the privileges of the colonies relative to their internal taxes, which they have so long enjoyed, may be still con

tinued ;

tinued; or that the consideration of such taxes as are proposed to be laid upon the colonies may be referred, until the petitioners, in conjunction with the other governments, can have an opportunity to make a full representation of the state and condition of the colonies, and the interest of Great-Britain with regard to them. The proceeding of the general court was approved of out of doors, until the copy of the New-York address was received, which was so high, that many of the friends of liberty were mortified at their own conduct, and if possible, would gladly have recalled their own doings.*

[Nov. 18.] The Massachusetts petition was forwarded by governor Bernard, and accompanied with a letter to lord Halifax; in which he wrote, "Massachusetts is the only one of the old colonies, that I know of, that enjoys a specie currency. This reflects great honor upon the province itself, as it is a great instance of their prudence, who took hold of a singular opportunity to destroy their paper money, which other colonies who had it equally in their power neglected. But I fear, that if the great sums which are expected to be raised in America are to be transported to Great-Britain, there will soon be an end to the specie currency of the Massachusetts, which will be followed by a total discouragement for other provinces to attempt the same in future. In which case, perpetual paper money, the very negative power of riches, will be the portion of America." After arguing against the duties, from America's being unable, for want of a sufficient specie currency, to pay them without being drained of their specie, as it would require a dead stock of three years value of the annual income of the revenues, he added, "If due care be taken to confine the sale of manufactures and Eoropean goods (except what shall be permitted) to Great-Britain only, all the profits of the American foreign trade will necessarily centre in Great-Britain; and therefore if the first purpose is well secured, the foreign American trade is the trade of Great-Britain. The augmentation and diminution, the extension and restriction, the profit and loss of it all, finally comes home to the mother country. It is the interest of Great-Britain, that the trade to both the Spanish and French West-Indies should be encouraged as much as may well be, and the British West-Indies should be taught that equitable maxim, live and let live. It appeared to be the decided opinion of the governor, that the sending home the produce of the duties and taxes proposed, would take from the Americans the means of trade, and render it impracticable for them to make remittances to Great-Britain.

The Virginia council and house of burgesses petitioned the king, presented a memorial to the house of lords, ramonstrated to the house of commons. New-York, Rhode-Island, &c. petitioned.

The New-York petition was conceived in such strong terms, and deemed so inflammatory, that their agent could not prevail on any one member of the house to present it.

The colonies denied the parliamentary right of taxation many months before any member of the British parliament uttered a single syllable to that purpose: and the American opposition to the stamp act was fully formed before it was known by the colonists that their cause was espoused by any man of note at home, as Britain is stiled.

Beside the colonial proceedings related above, it must be noted, that the inhabitants of several places met, and agreed not to buy any clothing (they could do without) which was not of their own manufacturing. Divers associations also were formed, all of whom resolved to consume as few British manufactures as possible.

The raising of a revenue from the molasses trade, and a fund to defray the expences of denfeding the colonies, were in contemplation nine years before ;* but the resolutions taken by the house of commons in the beginning of this year, might be forwarded by Mr. Huske, an American, a native of Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, who a short time before obtained a seat in parfiament. Instead of standing forth a firm advocate for the country which gave him birth, he officiously proposed to the house laying a tax on the colonies that should annually amount to five hundred thousand pounds sterling, which he declared they were well able to pay: and he was heard with great joy and attention. He, or some other, recollecting that the stamp act was talked of by the commissioners at Albany in 1754, might suggest that mode of taxing: for whatever was thought, the stamp act was not originally Mr. Grenville's.‡

The dispositon to tax the Americans, unless they would tax themselves equal to the wishes of the ministry, was undoubtedly strengthened by the reports of their gaiety and luxuary, which reached the mother country: it was also said, that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of Britain laboured hard for a tolerable subsistence. The officers lately returned, repre

court.

*Mr. Agent Bollan's letters of that date to the Massachusetts general

Mr. Sayre's letter to Captain Sears, of New-York, dated London, 7th of Febuary, 1764.

‡ Mr. Jackson's letter to lieutenant-governor Hutchinfon, Dec. 26, 1765. sented

Franklin fall Huske a friend to the colo.. nies. tr.199 earned heat at the clony

t

sented them as rich, wealthy, and even overgrown in fortune. Their opinion might arise from observations made in the American cities and towns during the war, while large sums were spent in the country for the support of fleets and armies. American productions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. The people, naturally generous and hospitable, having a number of strangers among them, indulged themselves in many uncommon expences. When the war was terminated, and they had on further apprehension of danger, the power of the late enemy in the country being totally broken-Canada, and the back lands to the very banks of the Missisippi, with the Floridas, being ceded to Great-Britain-it was thought threy could not well make too much of those who had so contributed to their security. Partly to do honor to them, and partly, it is to be feared, to gratify their own pride, they added to their show of plate, by borrowing of their neighbours, and made a great parade of riches in their several entertainments. The plenty and variety of provisions and liquors anabled them to furnish out an elegant table at comparatively trifling expence.

Mr. Grenville's intended stamp act was communicated to the American agents. Many of them did not oppose it. Half their nuraber were placemen, or dependent on the ministry. Mr. Joseph Sherwood, air honest quaker agent for Rhode-Island, refused his assent to America's being taxed by a British parliament. Mr. Mauduit, the Massachusetts agent, favored the raising of the wanted money of a stamp duty, as it would occasion less expence of officers, and would include the West-India islands. But the scheme was postponed, and the agents authorised to inform the American assemblies, that they were at liberty to suggest any other way of raising monies; and that Mr. Grenville was ready to receive proposals for any other tax that might be equivalent in its produce to the stamp tax. The colonies seemed to consider it as an affront, rather than a compliment. He would not have been content with any thing short of a certain specific sum, E and proper funds for the payment of it. Had not the sums been answerable to his wishes, he would have rejected them; and he would scarce have been satisfied with less than £.300,000 per annum, which was judged absolutely necessary to defray the whole expence of the army proposed for the defence of America: he might rather have expected that it should amount to what Mr. Huske had mentioned. No satisfactory proposals being made, he adhered to his purpose of bringing forward the stamp bill, though repeatedly pressed by some of his friends to desist, while he might have done it with honor. Richard Jackson, esq. had been chosen agent for the Massachusetts; he, with Mr. Ingersoll

Mr. Garth, and Mr. Franklin, lately come from Philadelphia, waited on Mr. Grenville the second of February, 1765, by desire of the colonial agents, to remonstrate against the stamp bill, and to propose, that in case any tax must be laid upon America, the several colonies might be permitted to lay the tax themselves. At this interview Mr. Jackson opened his mind freely on the subject; and Mr. Franklin, as must be supposed, mentioned, that he had it in instruction from the assembly of Pennsylvania, to assure the ministry, that they should alway think it their duty to grant such aids to the crown as were suitable to their circumstances, whenever called for in the usual constitutional manner. Mr. Grenville, however, pertinaciously adhered to his own opinions; and said, that he had pledged his word for offering the stamp bill to the house, and that the house would hear their objections, &c. &c.

The bill was brought in; and on the first reading, Mr. Char les Townsend spoke in its favor. He took notice of several things that colonel Barre had said in his speech against it; and then concluded with the following or like words: "And now will these Americans, children planted by our care, nourished up by our indulgence, until they are grown to a degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our arms, will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy weight of that burden which we lie under??

On this colonel Barre rose, and, after explaining some passa ges in his speech, took up Mr. Townsend's concluding words in a most spirited and inimitable manner, saying, "They planted by YOUR care! No, your oppressions planted them in America, They fled from your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and unhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable; and, among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtle, and I will take upon me to say, the most formidable of any people upon the face of God's earth; and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those that should have been their friends. They nourished up by YOUR indulgence! They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, in one department and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some members of this house, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to pry upon them-men, whose behaviour on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them-men promoted to the highest seats of justice; some whe