CHAPTER II.

The Subject continued.

THIS tranfient and fuperficial view of the progrefs of the Constitution has enabled us to discover, that the rays of true liberty firft illuminated our Saxon ancestors: the defpotifm of the Normans fuddenly obfcured this aufpicious morning; but the fun of freedom broke through the gloom, spread its beams over Runny Mead, and the plains of Mertou, where the barons nobly vindicated their ancient rights from the oppreffion of their monarchs. The ftorms of civil war between the Houses of York and Lancaster raged with violence for a time, and darkened the political horizon with the most tempeftuous clouds. But the glorious fun of liberty again difplayed itself at the Reformation, was again obscured by the conflict of King and people, and finally fhone forth with meridian glory at the Revolution.

The gradual progrefs of liberty in England was not more beneficial with respect to the government of the country, than conducive to the enlargement and freedom of opinion. The powers of the mind were directed with ardour and fuccefs to the examination of those rooted prejudices, which had been long received without fufficient reafon. The strug

gles of contending factions gave birth to the exertions of Milton, Sidney, Locke, and Somers. Thefe writers were the founders of new political fchools; and we may rank among their difciples a Montefquieu, a Rouffeau, a Voltaire, a Franklin, and a Washington. If ever the American is difpofed to boast of the freedom of his country, let him recollect, that the leffons of that freedom were taught him by the parent ftate. When the French maintain, that the plans of any of their varying forms of democracy, fince the revolution of 1789, have originated folely in the abstract principles and deduction of reafon, do they not forget that Britain first fuggefted to their legiflators their best and most approved maxims of government and that even at the prefent moment, while they boaft of enacting the most equitable laws, they tranfcribe the Statute Book of this country? When an Englishman afks thefe queftions, he indulges much nobler and more generous feelings than thofe of vanity or arrogance; for he experiences the moft genuine fatisfaction to obferve, that the bleffings he enjoys are not limited to his own country and while he protests against any deductions which may be made from the principles of his own government, that may disturb focial order, and lead to anarchy and confufion, he is happy whenever they are fo judiciously reduced to practice as to promote the general welfare of mankind.

In tracing the ftream of liberty from its loweft ebb to its highest tide, the different events, which have been brought forward in this fhort detail, are defigned to fuggeft, rather than to state a variety of useful reflections. It is evident that the British conftitution has reached its prefent ftate of improvement, not fo much in confequence of the deep and refined fpeculations of philofophers and politicians, as by the concuffion of difcordant interefts, and the hoftility of contending parties. The ftruggles for power before the Revolution were very numerous, and in fome of them the rights of kings were as flagrantly infulted as thofe of the people. The meafures frequently employed for the deftruction of the conftitution, particularly in the reign of James II. were the means that ultimately ftrengthened its powers, and gave fresh vigour to its operations. The aufpicious effects and remote tendency of many tranfactions, which contributed to its improvement, were probably neither foreseen by the agents, nor formed any part of their plans.

From the reign of John to that of William III. every attempt in the form of war, treaty, and accommodation, has been made to narrow the circle, and define the power of the royal prerogative; and the defigns of every true patriot, whenever fincerely directed to the promotion of the good of the community, have ever been ultimately crowned with fuccefs. In a period the moft difaftrous in the modern part of our hiftory, viz. the ufurpation of Cromwell, the rights of property,

D 3

perty, which is the bafis of our political establishment, were grofsly violated by a democratic faction. The populace were roused to arms to serve the ambitious purposes of hypocritical tyrants, and the monarchy was overturned. The events of past ages are recorded in vain, unless they afford ufeful leffons for the inftruction of ourselves and our pofterity.

The BRITISH CONSTITUTION deferves the grateful homage of every one who fhares its bleffings, and presents to the attention of the political fpeculatifts, both of our own and other countries, the fairest theme of admiration and applause*.

"The English, faid the illuftrious President de Montesquieu, "are the most free people that ever were upon earth. England, of all the nations in the world, is that which has known how to make the most (all at the fame time) of those three great things, religion, commerce, and liberty." Briffot, who perhaps paid even with his life for the oppofition of his actions to his opinions, fays in his Letter to his conftituents, "The English government, which I had investigated upon the spot, appeared to me, in fpite of its defects, a model for those nations that were defirous to change their government. The work of M. De Lolme, adds he, which is no more than an ingenious panegyris upon this excellent conftitution, was at that time in the hands of the learned few. It ought to have been made known to my countrymen; for to make it known was to make it beloved." Fas eft et ab hofte doceri. Seward's Anecdotes, vol. ii. p. 386. &c. "Happy conftitution! which the people who poffefs it did not fuddenly obtain: it has cost them rivers of blood; but they have not purchased it too dear." Vattel in his Law of Na, tions. See the equally impartial and honourable teftimonies of Philip de Comines, Rapin, De Lolme, Frederic of Pruffia, Beaumelle, the authors of the Encyclopédie Méthodique, &c. &c.

All

All the advantages of a reprefentative republic are derived from the right of the people to choofe their own members of the House of Commons, and from the important privileges which those members enjoy.

The House of Lords forms a middle link of the political chain between the King and the People, and is peculiarly useful, when regarded as a barrier against the ufurpations of arbitrary power on the one fide, and the encroachments of popular licentioufnefs on the other. Confidered as an affembly appointed for the revision of such meafures, as may be brought forward with precipitation, either by the King or the House of Commons, they are of the highest importance to the state.

As the King is wholly dependent upon the other branches of the conftitution for pecuniary aid, hẹ is debarred from the execution of frivolous or ambitious projects, even were his ministers inclined to suggest them; and can only execute those plans, which are determined by the voice of the majority of his Parliament to be conducive to the good of the nation.

The conftitution of England includes the effence of the three different forms of government which prevail in the world, without their attendant difadvantages; for we have democracy without confufion, ariftocracy without rigour, and monar