between articles of commerce, and many a singular inference drawn; but the really great lesson which I wish to teach is that in the present state of science there ought to be but very little waste. A waste product, like dirt, is matter out of place, and represents a pecuniary loss; for the matter going to waste has been bought and paid for.

To make the waste valueless the value of the material in it has to be charged for in the products sold; thus holding the price up and restricting the sales. Some of the energy and money spent in the selling of goods would show better results if spent on the reduction of the cost of making the goods which would come from a proper utilization of the waste. Finding a place for this matter out of place at once gives it a value, and takes some of the load from the cost of manufacturing the chief products. It is, therefore, a matter of great interest to the manufacturer to keep a sharp eye on his waste and to lose no opportunity to find ways to utilize it; always bearing in mind that waste is matter out of place, and that in some other branch of industry that particular form of homeless matter has a place. In fact, one manufacturer often buys what another throws away. PETER T. AUSTEN.

FINLAND'S PLIGHT.

AWAY up in the most northern part of Europe a large and powerful nation is seeking to destroy and exterminate a small people. We have of late become accustomed to the spectacle of large nations making war upon and swallowing nations much weaker than themselves; but in most cases the stronger power could claim with some semblance of truth that its own was the higher civilization, and that the conquest and ultimate subjugation of the weaker nation would work for the spread of civilization, the benefit of commerce, the good of industry, and ultimately the welfare of the conquered. In the case of Finland, however, no such pretence can be made. In point of culture, civilization, commerce, industry, and all other civic virtues, the Finns are far ahead of the Russians, and their fight for national existence is also a fight of civilization against perfidy and brutal force. In spite of the denials of official Russia, the fact that it aims at nothing less than the total extermination of the Finnish nation is apparent to any one who compares the conditions of to-day with those of, say, five years ago. Not long since, General Bobrikoff, the Russian Governor-General, paraphrased Metternich's famous saying concerning Italy, and declared that "Finland is merely a geographical conception." While this is by no means the fact at present, it is certain that if Russia continues to deal with the Finns as she has dealt with them since 1898, Finland will soon cease to be more than a mere "geographical conception."

It is needless at this date to enter into a discussion of the constitutional questions involved. Professor Rudolf Eucken has shown the merits of the case clearly and precisely; his article' is an excellent and eloquent document proving the perfidy of Russia. But the optimistic hopes expressed by Professor Eucken have not been fulfilled. On the contrary, things have become worse, and the outlook to-day is darker than ever.

What has Russia done during the last two years? First and foremost, by an imperial edict of February 3 (15), 1899, Finland ceased to

'See THE FORUM, for November, 1899.

be a Grand Duchy and became a Russian province. By the same edict the Finnish Diet was shorn of all its rights and powers; for in the above-cited ukase the Czar declared: "We have found it necessary to reserve to ourselves the ultimate decision as to which laws come within the scope of the general legislation for the Empire." At the same time the Governor-General of the newly made province received the right to veto any or all laws enacted by the Legislature. And although the Diet meets, it has practically become utterly impotent; the Legislature is not allowed, either by the authorities in St. Petersburg or by the Russian Governor, to act even in an advisory capacity.

What this means to Finland is easily seen. From a self-governing country it has become a satrapy, ruled by the orders of a governor and edicts from Russia. The first shock that brought this knowledge home. to the Finns was the imperial edict concerning the reorganization of the military system. Instead of being a national militia, commanded by Finnish officers and not to be used outside of the country without the consent of the Legislature, the Finnish soldiers have been declared to be a part of the Russian army. Russian regiments have been stationed in Finland; while the Finns must serve under Russian officers, must obey commands given in the Russian language, and are sent to all parts of Russia proper. Grievous as all this is to the Finns, it is only a small part of the injustice done to them in connection with military service. The number of men to be drafted annually has been quadrupled by the Russian authorities. Finland is required to furnish annually 7,200 men between the ages of twenty and twenty-two. These men must remain in active service for five years at least, after which they belong for thirteen years to the reserve force. A very little calculation will show that what Russia exacts is almost an impossibility; for that demand means nothing less than that out of a population of perhaps 2,500,000, as many as 36,000 should be constantly doing active military duty, while 93,600 more should participate once in two years in manœuvres and drills for the length of six weeks.

It is easy to see what an effect this requirement must have on the industries and agriculture of the country. Practically every able-bodied man is drafted into the army, and is kept from any useful occupation for fully five years. years. We We may overlook the misery and frequent tortures that have to be endured during this time; we may even pass over the fact that five years of enforced uselessness unfit a man to follow with any success the occupation or trade he has learned in his youth; nay, we can go even further, and leave out of consideration the toil which is

required from the producers in order to clothe and feed the army. It is sufficient to say that a country whose soil yields only to concentrated and steady labor cannot have 36,000 young men taken away from its scarce population and remain prosperous. And it is a fact, admitted by the Russian authorities themselves, that the industries and agriculture of Finland have suffered very much. Indeed, for the first time in the history of Finland the population is at times actually in distress from hunger, a condition which was totally unknown as long as the country was self-governing or was a part of Sweden, in spite of the fact that its crops have failed occasionally.

Another direct result of the Russian exaction in connection with the military service is a large emigration of young men in order to escape the hardships of the service. The Finns were never a migrating race until the Russians became their masters. From practically nothing the number of young men who left the country rose to 16,000 in 1899; and in 1900, in spite of the fact that the emigration of men liable to military service has been forbidden under the severest penalties, not less than 36,000 of them emigrated. It has come to pass that some counties, like Wasa and Uleåborg, for instance, have retained only their old people, women, and children; all the able-bodied men having gone to seek more favorable conditions in Sweden, Canada, and the United States. The larger the number of emigrants grew, the more stringent became the laws forbidding emigration. No young man above the age of sixteen is now allowed to leave the country, in any circumstances. In theory a family can emigrate if none of its members is subject to military service; in practice, however, this permission is not granted except to old people. As a natural result of this state of affairs, the straightforward, honest, truthful Finn has been compelled to take refuge in lies and subterfuges in order to elude the authorities.

In vain did the Finnish Estates protest against the unjust burdens of the military laws. The bearers of a monster petition to the Czar were informed that if they knew what was good for them, they would return immediately to their homes without trying to see him. Similar treatment was received by a number of men of science who travelled to St. Petersburg on a similar errand. The Diet was curtly told that if it repeated its protestations, it might be abolished, and that it must confine its attention to local and economic questions.

In February, 1900, the representatives of all four Estates declared that they would never give up their constitutional rights of self-government.

For answer they received the ukase of June 14 (26), which de

creed the introduction and use of the Russian language in all official departments and public offices, beginning with the office of the Secretary of State, including the Senate, and gradually extending to all offices and officials. The result of this edict was exactly what the Russian authorities expected. The Senate, without whose promulgation no decree is supposed to have any legal force, refused to promulgate this particular ukase. But Russia has a way of dealing with recalcitrant senators. The Senate was peremptorily ordered to promulgate the order under pain of being abolished. Fourteen of the twenty-one senators resigned their offices, and the remaining seven were not unanimous in publishing the ukase.

Thus has the Russian language superseded the Finnish in the administration of the country. Those Finns who did not know the Russian language or were not willing to employ it became ipso facto debarred from holding office, and the vacant positions were filled with Russians. In one instance a Russophile Finlander, Senator von Spåre, accepted office at the hands of General Bobrikoff. Great was the popular indignation in consequence and the newspapers gave their opinions, reflecting really the sentiment of the people. Immediately Bobrikoff gave his answer. Von Plehwe, one of the Russian senators, and a notorious Pan-Russian, was appointed Secretary of State for the "Province of Finland," an office that had never previously been held except by natives of Finland. With the advent of Von Plehwe came a regiment of Russian gendarmes "to help, and, if need be, to supersede," the native police in and around Helsingfors. Then came the suppression of every newspaper and magazine whose editor and proprietor would not bind themselves never to criticise any act of the governor, an imperial edict, or the general legislation of the empire. In other words, the Russian censor system was introduced with all its horrors and detestable infamies.

And here again a renegade Finn was found to do the dirty work of the Governor. Senator Yrjö Koskenen, the censor, is at the present time more detested than even Bobrikoff or Pobiedonostseff. The record of Koskenen's doings speaks for itself. Under his censorship there were 375 interferences with the press in 1899, and nearly 1,000 in 1900, as compared with 40 in 1897 and 12 in 1898. But, while particular attention is paid by the Russian authorities to the printed word the spoken word is not neglected by them. The continuance of existing associations and the starting of new societies depend entirely upon the pleasure of the Governor. He has refused to allow the formation of philanthropic, scientific, or literary societies. He has dissolved the Finnish