تا

Anno 4. Geo. 1. 1717.

Abroad the State and Circumftances of Europe happen to be fuch, that I think it is hard to suppose a Time poffible, when there fhall be lefs Appearance or Apprehenfion of any immediate Disturbance to this Kingdom. The three great Powers, those which are most confiderable in themselves, and of nearest Concern to us, I mean the Empire, France and Holland, are so far from being at any Enmity with us, that they are all of them our fast Friends and Allies, at least we are told fo, and hear very often a great deal of boasting upon that Subject, whenever the Administration of the Government is to be extoll'd, and the Merits of it are to be fet forth to us. Upon thofe Occafions we hear of nothing, but the wife and ufeful Treaties which have been made, the great Influence which we have acquir'd in foreign Courts and Councils, and the folid Foundations which are laid for our Security. But when, in Confequence of these great Things, we come to talk of reducing Forces, then I observe the Language is quite turn'd the other Way, then we are in the weakest and most infecure Condition imaginable, there is no Dependence upon any Thing, and we must even be thought difaffected to the Government, if we will not believe that we are furrounded on all Sides with the greatest Dangers.'

'But in the midft of thefe Contrarieties and Contradictions I think we need not be at any Lofs what our Conduct ought to be; if we will but have Regard to those plain Rules and Maxims which have always been obferv'd in the like Cases with that which is now before us.

"It would certainly be an endless Thing, for an House of Commons to enter into the Secrets of State, and to debate upon the different Views, and Interefts, and Intrigues of Foreign Courts; what Jealoufies are among them, and what Treaties are on Foot to reconcile them. If we take fuch Things into our Confiderations, to guide us in Questions concerning our own Guards and Garrifons here at Home, we shall be in a Labyrinth indeed; and must be compell'd at laft to put an abfolute Truft in the Government, because they only know the Truth of fuch Matters, and from them we must be content to receive whatsoever Account they think fit to give us of them. But the only Thing proper for us to look to is, what is plain and obvious to the Senfe of all Mankind, I mean, When are the Times of prefent Peace. There need no Refinements of Politicks to know that, and I will venture to fay, that during fuch Times of Peace no remote Fears, no Arguments drawn from Contingencies of what may be hereafter, have ever yet brought this Nation into a Conceffion fo fatal to Liberty, as the Keeping up of ftanding Forces, when there is no other Employment for them, but to infult and opprefs their Fellow Subjects. I fay there has hitherto

hitherto been no Precedent of that kind, and the Misfortune Anno 4. Geo. I.

of this Cafe is, there will need but one Precedent in it ; one wrong Step taken, in this Particular, may put an End to all your Claims of Rights and Privileges.

• And on the other Hand I beg it may not be taken for granted, that if we difmifs our Soldiers, we shall therefore leave ourselves naked, and void of all Protection against any fudden Danger that may arife. No, Sir, Providence has given us the beft Protection, if we do not foolishly throw away the Benefit of it. Our Situation is our natural Protection; our Fleet is our Protection; and if we could ever be fo happy as to fee it rightly purfu'd, a good Agreement betwixt the King and People, uniting and acting together in one National Intereft, would be fuch a Protection as none of our Enemies would ever hope to break through.

"It is a melancholy Thing to me to hear any other Notions of Government advanc'd here, and that his Majefty, either from his private or his general Council, should ever upon this Subject have any Thing inculcated to him, but this great Truth, That the true and only Support of an English Prince ⚫ does and ought to confift in the Affections of his People.' It is That should strengthen his Hands; it is That should give him Credit and Authority in the Eyes of other Nations; and to think of doing of it by keeping up a Number of Land Forces here at Home, fuch a Number as can have any Awe or Influence over the great Powers on the Continent, is, I think, one of the wildest Imaginations that ever enter'd into the Heart of Man. The only Strength of this Nation must always confift in the Riches of it; Riches must be the Fruits of publick Liberty; and the People can neither acquire Riches, nor the King have the Ufe of them, but by a Government founded in their Inclinations and Affections.

'If this be true, then of Confequence it follows, That whoever advises his Majefty to aim at any additional Security to himself from a ftanding Army, instead of increasing his Strength, does really diminish it, and undermine his true Support, by robbing him of the Hearts of his Subjects. For this I take for granted, that as there are but two Ways of Governing; the one by Force, and the other by the Affections of the People govern'd, it is impoffible for any Prince to have them both. He muft chufe which of the two he will stick to, for he can have but one. If he is Master of their Affections, he ftands in no need of Force; and if he will make Ufe of Force, it is in vain for him to expect their Affections. For it is not in Nature, and it can never be brought to pafs, that Men can love a Government, under which they are loaded with heavy Taxes; and pay a confiderable Part of their Eftates to maintain an Army, VOL. I.

Y

which

1717.

1717.

Anno 4. Geo. I. which infults them in the Poffeffion of the reft, and can turn them out of the whole whenever they please.

• With Submiffion therefore, the Argument is taken by the wrong End, when it is faid, There are great Animofities in the Kingdom, the People are difaffected, and upon that Account there is a Neceffity of keeping up an Army. It concludes much righter the other Way; that is, difmifs your Army, and give no other Caufe of Sufpicion that any Part of the Conftitution is to be invaded, and the People will be well-affected. Upon any other Foot than this, what Minister will ever care, whether he does right or wrong? It is not his Concern, whether the People are easy or uneafy; his Army is his Dependence: Nay, and the more by his wicked Counfels he exafperates and enrages the People, the stronger he makes his Pretence for maintaining and increafing that Army which supports him.

What I have faid, I confefs, goes upon a Suppofition, that the Numbers contain'd in the Eftimate, and in the Question before you, do make an Army formidable enough, and able to enslave this Nation; of which indeed there remains no Doubt with me. In the Manner thofe Forces are conftituted, I think, a Prince who would wish to be arbitrary, could defire no more; and if he had all the Power in his Hands, I think, for his own fake he would keep no

more.

Of what Nature the Reductions have been other Gentlemen have fo fully explain'd, and I believe it fo generally understood, that it will be needlefs for me to dwell upon it. But the Short of the Cafe is this, That out of thirty two thousand Men, thirteen Regiments only have been disbanded, which do not amount to more than five or fix thousand, befides a few Invalids, which were taken from the Eftablishment of the Army, and put upon the Establishment of the Hofpital. So that there are the Corps now fubfifting of more than twenty five thousand Men, which Corps may be fill'd up to their entire Complement whenfoever the Government pleases, and that even without any Noife, or Notice taken. For the Cafe is very different in that Respect, where the Regiments are few, and thofe kept compleat : There, if the Numbers allow'd by Act of Parliament are exceeded, it must be by raifing new Regiments, which is eafily feen and known. But where the Corps are kept up with only a few Men in them, and fome Recruits will always be neceflary for them, there, if the Government is willing to be at the Charge, they may keep the Numbers up to what they please, and it is impoffible to know when the Parliamentary Standard is exceeded, and when not. Thus therefore ftands our Account: In the first Place, the

Publick

1717.

Publick is to pay eighteen thousand Men; in the next Anno 4. Geo. I. Place, the Number of effective Men is to be fixteen thoufand three hundred forty seven; and if those are not fufficient to exercise Dominion over us, yet, in the Manner they are kept together, they are equivalent to twenty five thousand Men; the Charge is, inconfiderably lefs, and the Terror, which is the main Thing, is not at all abated.

For the taking this dangerous Step, the only Juftification I hear Gentlemen offer for themselves, the only Shelter they fly to, is the great Confidence which is to be repos'd in his Majefty's juft and gracious Intentions; of those I will entertain no Doubt; I believe his Majefty is too good to be fufpected of any arbitrary Defigns. But yet there is a general Sufpicion, which I will never be asham'd or afraid to own; because it is a Sufpicion interwoven in our Conftitution; it is a Sufpicion upon which our Laws, our Parliament, and every Part of our Government is founded; which is, That too much Power lodg'd in the Crown, ab ftracting from the Person that wears it, will at fome Time or other be abus'd in the Exercise of it, and can never long confift with the natural Rights and Liberties of Mankind. And therefore whatever Opinions we have of his Majesty's Goodness, and how much foever he deserves them, we fhould ftill confider, that in this Place we are under a diftinct Duty to our Country, and by that Duty we should be as incapable of giving up fuch an unwarrantable Trust, as his Majefty, I am perfuaded, would be incapable of abufing it, if he had it in his Hands. Those we reprefent will expect, and they ought to expect from us, that they should not only continue to enjoy what belongs to them, as Englishmen; but that they fhould hold it ftill by the fame TeTheir Eftates, their Lives, and their Liberties they have hitherto poffefs'd as their Rights; and it would be a very great and fad Change, and fuch as fhall never have my Confent along with it, to make them only Tenants at Will for them.'

nure.

Dec. 6. In a Committee of the whole Houfe on the Supply, the Commons came to twelve feveral Refolutions.

It not being in the Compass of our Defign to recite them all, nine of them being, without any Oppofition, agreed to by the Houfe, and to be found at large in the VOTES of this Seffion, we fhall only quote thofe three Refolutions of the Committee, as gave Rife to fome SPEECHES and DEBATES; which, for the better Understanding thereof, it will be neceffary to do. They are as follows;

I. That the Number of effective Men to be provided for Guards and Garrifons in Great Britain, and for Jersey and Guernsey,

Y 2

The Committee of Supply come to feveral Refolutions.

1717.

Anno 4. Geol. Guernsey, for the Year 1718, be 16347, commiffioned and non-commiffioned Officers included. II. That a Sum not exceeding 681,6181. be granted to his Majefty, for defraying the Charge of the faid 16347 effective Men for Guards and Garrifons, and other his Majefty's Land Forces in Great Britain, Jersey and Guernsey, for the Year 1718. III. That a Sum not exceeding 130361 1. 5 s. 5 d. be granted to his Majesty, for the Charge of Half-pay to the reduced Officers of his Majefty's Land Forces and Marines, for the Year 1718.

Motion for recommitting three of them.

Debate thereon.

The first of these Resolutions being read the second Time, a Motion was made, that the fame be recommitted; upon which there arose a warm Debate, and most of the Members who fpoke in the Debate of the 4th Inftant, [See p. 154.] fpoke either for or againft the faid Motion: But the Queftion being put thereupon, it was carry'd in the Negative, by a Majority of 175 Voices against 125; and then the first Refolution was agreed to by the House. The fecond Refolution being afterwards read a fecond Time, a Motion was made, that the fame be recommitted, which Mr R. Walpole. Occafion'd a fresh Debate. Mr Robert Walpole, who made the most remarkable Speech, urg'd, That by the Method that had been follow'd in the Reduction of the Army, the Nation was put to an extraordinary and needlefs Charge." Which he endeavour'd to prove, By entering into the Particulars of the Regiments that were kept standing; fhewing the Difproportion between the Foot, and the Horse and Dragoons, which laft were moft grievous and oppreffive to the Country; and suggested, That by reducing the Army in another Manner, the full Number of Land Forces already voted, might be kept up, and yet near a hundred thousand Pounds faved to the Nation, befides the Pay of General Officers, which, he doubted not, all Gentlemen would readily acknowledge, with him, to be an unneceffary Expence.' This Overture was liften'd to with great Attention, and particularly by Sir Jofeph Jekyll, who, being defirous to know what Mr Walpole had to propose, to fave fo confiberable a Sum to the Nation, declar'd his Opinion for recommitting the fecond Refolution above-mention'd, which was carry'd without dividing. It was alfo refolv'd, That the laft of the three above-recited Refolutions be recommitted.

Sir Jo. Jekyll.

6

Debate concerning Dec. 9. The House refolved itself into a Grand Comthe Charge of the Land-Forces. mittee, to take into Confideration the fecond Refolution, viz. for granting to his Majesty the Sum of 681,6181, which had been recommitted. Mr Craggs, who fpoke first, faid, That having already agreed to the Number of Troops, it was but natural and reasonable to grant the Sum

Mr Craggs.

neceflary