Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

FEB. 6, 1834.]

Extension of the Pension Laws.

[H. OF R.

into action. The right was a vested one, and, as such, transmitted to their heirs: the grave did not cancel the obligation of the Government, or satisfy the claim.

peace, from paying its officers and soldiers what they had dead before the tardy justice of their country was brought been promised, and what they were entitled to as matter of right. Whatever terms the Government proposed, the officer and soldier had no alternative but to accept, as they had no means or remedy to recover their rights. Congress was afterwards, from year to year, solicited, by memorials, to do justice to those brave men who had fought our battles, and established, in fact, an indepenlence, which Congress had before only declared on paper.

The early settlers have been every where in these United States exposed, at some period of our history, to like frontier wars with the Indians, from the first settlements of the country, at Jamestown and Plymouth, to the present time. After the defeat of Braddock, in 1755, the whole frontier of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and The claims of these men for remuneration were advo. New York was exposed to the ravages of Indian war, cated as matter of right, arising under stipulations that elated with victory and stimulated by French influence, had not been fulfilled by the Government; and that they arms, and presents. The settlers could only maintain were so regarded is manifest, from the opinions expressed their residence by the erection of stockade forts, at their by all who advocated their claims. The committee who own expense, and which formed a shelter for a time against reported in their favor treated them as claims of rights the incursions of these savage enemies. They also purwithheld: members distinguished for their legal attain-sued the enemy into their fastnesses and hiding-places, ments and reputation expressed the opinion that, if the and avenged the deaths of their slaughtered friends. jurisdiction of the courts admitted of these claims being had in Pennsylvania, in those days, many a gallant leader, brought into such courts, they could be sustained on who, in personal bravery, disregard of privation, and boldprinciples of right and equity. It is alleged that theness of enterprise, would bear a comparison with any that measure that was meted out to the officers and soldiers, have been eulogized in this debate. These men have all by the law of Congress, was not regulated by a due re- been permitted to pass to their graves without remuneragard to the contract and rights of the individuals. To tion from the Government; and in many other parts of the this I reply, that such a failure in the provisions and de-nation, other settlers, who have had like trials, have had tails of the law does not subvert its principle, and only no better treatment than in participating with their fellowshows that, when legislation is on the confines of boun- citizens in the security of their homes and the improveties, it is apt to slide into irregularity. Whatever was ment of the country.

We

allowed beyond the just claim of the officers and soldiers If this system is to be extended from time to time, where was improper, and, as such, the precedent is not to be is it to end? The only limits suggested are military serregarded. vice, which is broad enough to exhaust, for years, the or

Those who were engaged in the Indian wars from 1783 dinary resources of the Government. I am opposed to to 1795 were in the service of a Government established; the extension of the system; but would remark, that I administered by representatives chosen by the people; cannot discover any good reason why military services able and willing to satisfy all who had any just claims then should be so much the subject of remuneration and bounarising, not with a depreciated paper currency, but with ty, beyond providing for disability. Are we to inculcate one equal to silver and gold. These men, whose valor I in our republican Government that it is in the ranks of admire, were fighting, not for the right of self-govern- the army that not only the road to fame and glory is to be ment, against an enemy who aspired to govern, but in found, but that it is there also that the citizen is to look defence of property and possessions, the value of which for the highway to the chief offices, as well as to the was enhanced for themselves and their posterity. It is, treasury of the nation? I can well suppose that the man however, alleged that the Indian wars were a continuance whose constitution has been impaired, and his corporal of the revolutionary war. After the peace of 1783, the and mental energy wasted, in the arduous duties of official Indians fought for revenge, and to indulge their love of confinement to desks, books, and papers, has as great a blood and slaughter. The American citizens of those days were under no apprehensions that they were in any danger of being brought under subjection to Indian power; what was sought, and obtained, for those exposed on the frontier, was security against Indian massacre and plunder.

claim on his country for relief as the soldier or officer of six months' service in an army. Is not the able, faithful, vigilant, and accommodating officer now at the head of the Pension Office, as Commissioner of Pensions, earning his pay by service as arduous, and deprivations as great, as one-third of those whom he has placed on your pension The situation of those engaged in the wars of that pe- list? The discrimination is unsound; and the only safe riod is distinguished, in the most material circumstances, rule is, to allow it by way of remuneration for a right from that of the officers and soldiers of the revolutionary withheld, or for infirmity and disability contracted in miliarmy; and no precedent is to be found in the provision tary service. for them that would extend to those intended to be pro- | The amount and increase of the pension expenditure vided for by this resolution.

It has been attempted in Congress once before, if not oftener, to ingraft this provision on our pension system; and it has been rejected.

shows how little reliance is to be placed on estimates in matters of legislation, where the number of individuals to be provided for, or the extent of service, is to be conjectured. When provision by pensions has been under If the system is to be extended beyond the claims of jus- consideration in this House, they have been advocated as tice and right, and that of invalids for military services, only providing for a few surviving patriots, whose numwhat are to be its limits? We may expect, next, an ap-bers were very limited, and that the expenditure was but peal to us on behalf of the officers and soldiers of the late a small matter to the national treasury. When the law of war. We had, in it, displays of valor and hard service, 1832 was before Congress, the committee who reported not only on the land, but by our gallant tars on the ocean, the bill in this House, after a close investigation and renot surpassed by any men in any war. But, sir, I would search as to the number of the revolutionary army at every leave them to the fixed remuneration of the existing laws, period of the revolutionary war, and making the ordinary and to that glory which is above the measure of your laws allowance for mortality and decrement, estimated those or treasury. There are also the heirs of the revolutionary unprovided for under the existing laws, an who might be officer, for whom no provision was made. I never could the subjects of the new law, at about 7,000, requiring an reconcile the justice which provided for services, as mat- expenditure of less than a million of dollars per year, for ter of right, and extended it not to the descendants of a few years. Well, sir, how has the reality corresponded those meritorious officers who were numbered with the with the predictions and estimates? It appears from the

H. OF R.]

Extension of the Pension Laws.

[FEB. 6,15%

report of the Commissioner of Pensions that the number of millions of dollars; bank dividends, &c., five hundre: applicants under the act of 1832 is 30,625; and, of these, thousand dollars. In making the estimate, the Secrear he has placed on the pension list under that law 23,438. further states that "he assumed that the imports of These are in addition to 11,034 revolutionary pensioners will nearly equal those of 1832;" and "that the gent provided for under previous acts, making a total of revo- state of our commerce, and the situation of the cour lutionary pensioners already provided for of 34,472, ex- justify the belief that there will be no serious diminut clusive of those on the invalid list. in the coming year.",

The amount paid to pensioners under the act of 1832, In this opinion, and in the estimate, the Secretary will, | within the last year, is stated to be $3,537,170. The apprehend, find himself most egregiously mistaken; for amount paid to revolutionary pensioners, under various as the ordinary channels of trade are now interrupted acts of Congress, till November, 1833, exclusive of invalid obstructed by the want of confidence, the condition of ́a pensions, is $21,629,828; paid to invalid and other pen- currency, and the money market, many merchants sioners, $4,603,615, making a total of $26,233,443. Are not be without their usual facilities and means to make the: the amount of expenditures for pensions, and the number purchases and importations. If they have the means of pensioners, calculated to make this House pause before the credit that will command them, they will prefer us they extend the system? The only suggestion as to the them at home, where value is increasing, than send number to be provided for under this resolution comes them to Europe, to purchase and import merchandise, from the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. LANE,) that the which there will be no certainty of buyers. Unless number may amount to from ten to fifteen thousand. If public distress is soon relieved by Congress, in restar the reality should not exceed this estimate, it would occa- soundness to the currency, security and confidence to sion an expenditure of one or more million of dollars per financial operations of the Government, and the pa year-for how many years we cannot tell. Will the treas- deposites to where they were, trade must diminish mas ury of the nation admit of such demands? The report of seriously; and, with it, the revenue from customs, as vi the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress shows that the as from public lands. Unless the present state of th treasury cannot sustain any extraordinary expenditure for is immediately changed, by a return to what we had sote the current year. The President, in his last annual mes-months since, we must have, before another year, por sage, expresses his opinion to Congress, "that the re-account of the treasury. The deposites of the Gover ceipts of the next year, with the aid of the unappropriated ment will be then so small an affair, as to be no object il amount in the treasury, will not be more than sufficient to desire to any bank. meet the expenses of the year, and pay the small remnant of national debt."

If the treasury is to be made bankrupt, I will not con tribute to it, by any expenditure under this resolution. I would remind the members of the House that the pres As to the amendment submitted by the gentlema ent administration came into power with the most solemn from Virginia, [Mr. BOULDIN,] I would remark, that I pledges and promises of reform and retrenchment in the consider the tendency of the existing pension law is to administration of the Government; and would ask, what demoralize many of our citizens; and that the frauds and has been done to redeem those pledges? The national impositions which are or may be practised ought to have expenditures of the Government, exclusive of payments the consideration of a committee. That in so extensive to the national debt, have been as follows: a pension system there should be imposition, frauds, and $12,653,095 even false swearing, practised, was to be apprehended, 13,296,041 and even expected. We have in these United Stat 12,669,490 every variety of character, exhibiting the same passions and infirmities as characterize men under other Gover 13,229,533 14,777,991 ments; and, whatever high pretensions we may make to 16,516,388 patriotism and moral character, we have as much of the 22,086,063 cupidity of gain and love of money in us as is to be found any where else. Laws, then, providing emoluments for

In 1827,

1828,

1829,

1830,

1831,

1832,

1833,

Under the present administration, professing economy; all who will bring themselves within certain provisions, to and charging its predecessors with extravagance, the na- be made out by ex parte parol testimony, as to trans tional expenditures have been increased from an amount of tions beyond the ordinary memory of man, are striking? twelve or thirteen millions, to a sum exceeding twenty- addressed to the corrupt passions of the human heart. It two millions of dollars. If this is reform, according to the will, with many, lead to fraud; and that fraud will be sup Government vocabulary at Washington, I know of no per- ported by false oaths. The experience and policy of the version of language that will make it pass for retrenchment. times, as formed, established, and exhibited in our halls I would say to the friends of this administration, that, as of legislation and courts of justice, are against the admis all the promised retrenchment is yet to be accomplished, sion of parol testimony, as to very ancient transactions it is time to begin the work; and it will be no small job Such is the infirmity of human nature, the uncertainty of to lay on the coming three years the retrenchments that such testimony, and the danger of fraud and falsehood, belong to them, without touching those belonging to the that it is obviated and dispensed with as far as possible. preceding five years, that have been allowed to pass with Time, possession, and other circumstances, are made to accumulated expenditures. This resolution, and the ex-supply its place. But, under our pension system, we i penditures to which it may lead, I trust, is not to be vite persons to make out their claims by their own oaths, adopted as a step towards it. and those of others selected by themselves, and who are What will be the state of the national treasury at the end at liberty to choose their time, place, and officers, when, of the current year? The Secretary of the Treasury es where, and before whom it is done, without any notice timates the national expenditure at $18,506,912, exclusive to any officer of the Government.

of $4,995,032 towards the payment of national debt. In It was to be expected that such facilities for imposition the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the pre- and fraud on the Government would be taken advantage ceding year, the national expenditure was estimated at of by many. It is, no doubt, with some, made a common $17,638,577, whereas the actual expenditure is above cause, who support each other's claim. It is probable The present Secretary of the Treasury, in his estimate confound also, that many an honest man, with a feeble and impaired of receipts for the current year, states those from customs hearsay, tradition, and the workings of his own imagina at fifteen millions of dollars; and from public lands at three tion, with his supposed recollection of facts.

twenty-two millions.

7

[blocks in formation]

If such a system be not demoralizing to a considerable extent, then I must acknowledge myself mistaken in hunan nature, as well as in the standard of morals.

[H. OF R

Mr. PEYTON resumed and concluded his speech commenced on Wednesday; the whole of which is given below. Mr. P. rose and addressed the Chair as follows: These reflections are only cast on the unprincipled, Mr. SPEAKER: It is strange, indeed, that the man who who have imposed, or attempted to impose, on the Gov has given his life to the service of his country, who has ernment. The number already on the pension fund, to- toiled and perilled so much in defence of its institutions, gether with the number of applicants, is so excessive, should now be represented as dangerous to its liberties, and beyond all reasonable calculation, as to excite a strong and regardless of its laws. These sentiments have been suspicion of fraud and imposition. The Commissioner of urged and reiterated against the President from the comPensions has rejected, as inadmissible, upwards of eleven mencement of this debate. I will endeavor, Mr. Speaker, hundred, who have applied under the act of 1832. A in a plain, brief manner, to answer some of these charges, committee of this House, in 1832, from a statement of the before I proceed to the consideration of the subject before umerical force of the revolutionary regular army, during the House. each year of the war, from 1775 to 1783, and making a I agree with the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. easonable allowance for decrement from deaths and other MCDUFFIE,] that it is dangerous to unite money and poCauses, estimated the remaining officers and soldiers of litical power. But, sir, we must trust somebody; and I he revolutionary regular army at 12,632; and the num- had rather intrust the management of the treasury to those per of militia, applying the same rate of decrement, at whom the American people have selected as the guardians 5,472; making a total of 19, 101, of whom there were then of their liberty, than leave it exposed to those who have on the revolutionary pension list, under previous laws, become furious by the rebuke they have received at the 11,876, leaving about 7,000 to be embraced by the act hands of the people. Sir, we have exhibited before the of 1832. The same committee estimated the average age nation and the world an extraordinary spectacle—a scramat 77. ble for the control of the public money. An attempt is What number would the last census of the United States made to wrest it from the constituted authorities by gentleFurnish of that age? The number of white male citizens men whom the people pronounced undeserving of their returned on the last census, from seventy to eighty years confidence. Yes, sir, they demand that the public treasure, of age, is 57,772. which is the "soul of the body politic," shall be yielded up at the overbearing dictation of this strange alliance, 20,000 formed by a union of party leaders from all points of the political compass. Well, sir, if power is to change hands, 18,143 let us see if the country will be benefited by it. Who are

Of these, it is estimated that there would not be above he age of 77 more than

In the same census are males above the age of 80,

Above the age of 77,

From this number are to be deducted those who were engaged in service for a term less than six months, all non-combatants, tories, Hessians, and other British soldiers who remained in the country, and emigrants since the peace, above that age.

At the close of the revolutionary war, the numbers of the army were

[ocr errors]

they who demand the change? Are they not the same rest38,143 less spirits who so lately brought their country to the brink, "where it was but one step down, and all was lost?" Let us pause and survey the scene! We hear of tyrants, and revolutions, and resistance. Who is producing this uproar, this clamor for the public treasure, and grasping at that power, I had almost said, in a revolutionary tone, which they were not able to reach in the spirit of our institutions-which the stern voice of a republican people denied them? 13,470 What do we behold? Why, those who but yesterday glared upon each other with a tiger's look, and bristles up, are now folded in each other's patriotic arms, and lauding each other as public benefactors. They benefactors of the country! "It is an insult to the nation to say so." I borrow the phrase from the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE.] "The Federal Union-it must be preThere is much reason to suppose that the number of served:" that was the sentiment uttered by a patriot, and revolutionary officers and soldiers of six months' service responded to by freemen, which saved the country. Now, is short of 30,000, and yet the number provided for, under sir, I ask for the true cause of all we see and hear? There acts of 1813-'20,-'23,-'23, is 11,034 is no man so weak or credulous as to believe, for a moment, that it is to be found in this petty question of giving the

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

The number of officers, exclusive of foreigners, then in the army, was 2,480 In 1832, of these officers, there were but 282 receiving pensions; and, as it is presumed all had applied, it would appear that 7 out of 8 of the officers of the army at the close of the war had died before 1832.

[ocr errors]

And applicants under act of 1832, before November last, were

.

- 30,621 bank the use of money, which its friends boast it can well do without; or in the pecuniary interest of a few rich men 41,655 in Europe and America, who own and control the bank. No, sir; this is the pretext seized upon to scatter firebrands through society. A deep game of ambition is playing, not unlike those to which honorable gentlemen have referred us in the history of other nations. We can occasionally get a glimpse of the cloud boiling above the horizon, and hear the thunder in the distance. Gentlemen are throwing high die for power; and, with a boldness characteristic of the high order of their intellect, are willing to stake all, and stand the hazard of the cast. "To rule or ruin" is the bold design. Sir, it would be patriotic, and command our highest admiration, to see a statesman love his country better than himself; notwithstanding that country had withdrawn its confidence, and had driven him from a high station. A Cato could love his country even in banishment; and that country, he said, was not "Utica or Adymettum, but Rome." But, sir, I appeal to all America whether it was love or

Exclusive of those on the invalid list, That there is abuse of the system, and imposition, there can be little doubt. But it may well be asked, will we abolish the system because it is abused; and withhold from the deserving their fair remuneration, because others are imposing on the Government? For myself, I reply, no. I respect the honest revolutionary officer and soldier, and would not deprive him of justice from his country. Though I am unwilling to apply the knife to the whole system, yet I would be disposed to submit the subject to a committee, which, availing itself of the experience acquired in the department of pensions, might devise some additional remedy and provision to check and prevent frauds, and protect the Government against unprincipled applicants.

THE DEPOSITE QUESTION.

The House next proceeded to the consideration of the hate-deadly hate; whether it was patriotism or ambition, deposite question.

which formed this unnatural union? In what else do they

II. OF R.]

Removal of the Deposites.

[FEB. 6, 1804

up

the C

agree but war, unsparing war, upon the President? Is this sir, is a memorable event in history; (I am under chilir. patriotism? Do they hate each other less, or Andrew Jack-tions to the gentleman who introduced it as a fit paralel son more? Say, sir, that to-morrow's sun rose upon this the times;) it carries with it a sublime and useful, administration swept from the earth-that every member of and, as such, may be well applied to the present ca it should meet a Brutus while he sleeps-that all power should How did the first and mightiest Cæsar make himself u devolve upon these leaders, who assume to be the guar- lute, and subvert forever the liberties of his codians of constitutional liberty: what then? There is not Why, if my slight reading has not greatly misled n room in the chair of state for more than one man. "Eng-was by uniting with his own lofty genius and restles land could not brook the double sway of Hal and Hotspur.' "the gold of Crassus and the popular influence of Pony Would this new love some gentlemen profess for courts With these he broke down Cato's influence in the Se and federal jury trials continue? Would the father of the and amongst the people. If we have Cæsars and Pr American system adhere to his recent declaration in favor peys now, we have a Cato too. The gentleman of a strict construction of the constitution? Would you | South Carolina says that he (General J.) has thrown a expect from such materials an harmonious, patriotic action self in the breach. Yes, sir, he has; and there be sav in the Government? No, sir, you will as soon see the Stony "a pillar of state," which neither recedes from the va mountains raising their snow-capped heads amidst the pines nor is shaken in the tempest; and as long as he sa of Carolina, as you will see the father of the American certain hopes lie crushed. As long as the nation hats system, and the fiery prince of nullification, moving quietly fidence in his unsullied integrity and pure patrio along, upon principle, in the great questions which have dream of power with some gentlemen is postpone disturbed the peace of the American family. Remove the with the feelings of those who are endeavoring te cause of this union, and the union itself is broken up in an come some “dire calamity, they gain reinforcement he instant. No more tears will be shed for the bank, which, hope, or take resolution from despair." The desper by the bye, have fallen as fast on the other side of the attempt is making to prostrate a patriot, who finds a question in days which have passed; for some gentlemen confidence of his countrymen an impenetrable shield. W seem to have a fountain at command. But let success is this pyramid of the nation's strength to be demolatt. crown the coming struggle, and the measures and princi- Because it stands in the breach. Where else work ples of this administration be battered down; would not the expect to find him? Has he not always been found f unnatural folds in which this knot of politicians is linked in the hour of peril? The onset is sounded, and ill together be unrolled? Would not those hyena glances, elements and instruments of party warfare rush to the which are now drawn to a focus and bent on the white sault. A simultaneous movement is made in both e house, flash and dart at one another? I question, sir, if this capitol, and all the pensioned presses of the cont jealousy and rivalry would not take the place of patriotism; pour forth their calumny. We are yet to see the res and if ambition should predominate, then would come a The main object of the gifted gentleman from struggle which would test the energies of our frame of Carolina [Mr. McDUFFIE] was not to inquire into s government-the firmness, the moderation, the virtue, and nor to settle great principles; but the scope of that the patriotism of the people. If I could be permitted to tleman's impassioned appeal was to hold state the case, sir, we would see on each side men of tran- Magistrate as a tyrant, whom it would be patriotism scendent talents, of disappointed hopes, chafed ambition, sist; to exhibit the officers of Government, from the backed by orators in boldness, chivalry, and "the power est to the lowest, as an army of mercenaries in the Pre of speech to stir men's blood," such as the revolution of ident's hands, to be used for any the vilest purpos France produced-each controlling presses which have it a majority, or a supposed majority, of this House, in their power to spread delusion over the face of the land, taunted by him as a drilled majority, ready to fole "thick as autumnal leaves in Vallambrosa," carried on the reckless usurper, who had violated the law and cas four winds. More, sir. On the one side, would be arrayed tion, and was trampling in the dust the rights of widt this bank, with all its treasures, with all the attendant and orphans. I do not pretend to give words or sentence sources of corruption which would be opened; upon the but this was the tone and substance of these broad de other side, there would be arrayed an army of twenty-five ciations, which swept from department to departmen thousand State troops, to assert the claim of their favorite, this Government. The times are strangely out of under the banner of State rights. indeed, when we are taunted with exercising m Mr. Speaker, gentlemen have ransacked historians and power, and the President is scoffed at by that gent poets for tyrants' names, and cases of oppression, in which for not tolerating freedom of opinion. Now, "dri they vainly seek to find some resemblance to the President the first word a military man learns. Drilled major and his measures. But I am struck with this remarkable and this we are to be taunted with by that gentie feature in all the examples which the mirror of history Why, it seems that some gentlemen have an instinctive holds up to view. It is, that liberty has been lost by am- horrence of trusting majority power to any one but the bition grasping at that power which it could not constitu- selves. When I see before my face the fruits of its tionally attain. The first step has always been to impede cise elsewhere, I am astonished that he should be the the operations of regular government, excite distrust to make mountains of a mole hill." Where does against the constituted authorities, denounce those in jority power let fall the heaviest hand? Why, sir, power as usurpers and tyrants, lay all the "ills that flesh section where alone, we are told, pure and unrestra is heir to" on them, mourn over the lost liberties of the freedom of opinion is to be found. There, sir, people, shed over their distresses crocodile tears, produce pressed minority, a handful of men, whose integrity of insubordination to the laws, and make a push, in the mis- cannot be subdued by this power, are disfranchis rule and anarchy thus brought about, for supreme power. stripped of their military titles and their civic Wre Eneas is described as having ascended the throne of Car-which are gathered up and placed on other bross thage wrapped in a cloud. Gentlemen have carried us what? for opinion's sake;" yes, sir, men whose fath back to the days when Rome was free, and told us how she toiled through the bloody fields and arduous count lost her liberty. Roman liberty was buried in a battle the Revolution, and who perpetuate in their bosoms field--in a battle field upon which two men were the same lofty love of liberty and scorn of despotism, are champions, who had been friends. The fatal field of prived of office and all honorable distinction; taxed to Pharsalia was the tomb of Roman freedom. There, sir, port an army over their own heads; denied the right it received its deathblow; that was the catastrophe of a voting for an officer who can have them shot for refus coalition formed by Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus. This, to fight against their conscience and their country;

EB. 6, 1834.]

Removal of the Deposites.

[H. OF R.

Worse than all, they are harassed by test oaths. Why all courage; they will say that he fed, and clothed, and edu Dis? Because they would not agree "mid de kort;" be- cated, with the tenderness of a father, their children, when ause they could not agree "mid de kort." How could the fate of war cast them upon his humanity. The geney take the test oath, without "staining their names in tleman says, that for such a deed as the President has done me, and their souls in eternity?" And yet, that gentle- the subjects of a king would have chopped off his head; han charges the President with stretching or trimming that it is a dark and alarming usurpation. Well, sir, let thers on the bed of Procrustes. It was said in a speech us examine the fact, and see whether at the time this act heard the other day, (Mr. Calhoun's, in the Senate,) of removing the deposites from one place to another was hat there is "nothing more dignified than reproof from done, and which had been done without complaint before, he lips of innocence, or punishment from the hands of by other officers of the Government, any just parallel ustice. But change the picture--let the guilty reprove, could be seen between Andrew Jackson, and Richard, or and the criminal punish; and what more odious, more hate- Cæsar. Richard made his deep and startling resolve, beul, can be presented to the imagination?" Now it does cause he beheld a greater than himself--because he had eem to me that some gentlemen do not stand in a situa- no delight to pass away the time," "no one to back his ion to indulge in such reproofs and punishments; they suit, but the plain devil and dissembling looks," he inare under too great and recent obligations to majority in- tended to be first, or not to be at all. Now, it does apHuence to do so. And, sir, how has it been with the pear to me, that if there were any about that time, or be. bank? At one sweep, on one discount day of its wrath, fore, or since, who had no delight to pass away the time, t reduced the families of fifty watchmen in Philadelphia who were tortured by blasted prospects, and wounded to live on charity; and yet, the gentleman from South Car-pride, it was not Andrew Jackson. This act could not olina tells us that "no man can breathe the air that sur- confer on him more fame or power. The whole subject rounds the palace of the President, who does not think is in the hands of Congress. He had no further ambition precisely as the President thinks; and that every man who to gratify. What more had he to ask from his friends, lid not vote for the President has been put out of office, his country, or the world? Nothing, sir-nothing. He and the most notorious open-mouthed partisans put in is old: he is the only scion of his stock. The Revolution their places: and that is a truth known to the whole swept away all but him. "His life is in the yellow world." Now, sir, so far from this being a truth known leaf"-he is worn by toil and time-he soon must go!-to the whole world, the contrary is the fact, known to must take his place in the vault beside her who was the every body in this part of the world, and especially in this companion of his joys and his sorrows. Nature made House, except that gentleman. I am bound to believe he him great, not vain; but if he had been ambitious of dishinks what he says; but it is as notorious as that the cap- tinction, as far as this world's honors can reward a patriot, tol stands on this hill, that a majority of those in this city, he had been rewarded. They talk to us of Cæsar, and of who live upon the public treasury, are now, and have ever Rome. When Cæsar won his battles, he crossed the Rubeen, the political opponents of the President. bicon, and marched at the head of his Gallic legions to a But I should like to know one thing: under this mild throne. When Andrew Jackson had won for himself imsway of majority power, as exercised in Philadelphia and | perishable renown, and completed the work of glory for elsewhere, into whose hands is the country to fall if gen-his country, he disbanded his soldiers and retired to his tlemen succeed--and especially we anti-bank, anti-tariff, farm. Cæsar said "Talk not of law to men who wear anti-internal improvement, anti-nullification people? The swords;" he intimidated Metellus, and took the treasure. republic, I trust, is not to be divided or parcelled out among the parties. That is surely an idea too horrible to be thought of. Into whose hands, then, are we to fall, where we can enjoy perfect freedom of opinion? Who will have the magnanimity to say "yours be the advantage all, mine the revenge?"

Andrew Jackson took his stand at the bar for trial, sentence, and punishment, in the midst of his victorious soldiers, and in sight of that battle field which will give immortality to the bards of future times who shall sing of the achievement. No talk of swords: he filed his plea, and urged that what had been done was lawful and necesMr. Speaker, the gentleman's mode of treating this sary to save the city; his defence was disallowed, and he plain proposition, submitted by this resolution, strikes me submitted without a murmur. Was that like Cæsar? The as a little unusual. He informed us that to a correct under-sentence next--but a wave of discontent rolled over the standing of the question, as he presented it, no facts were multitude. The soldiers were indignant to see their necessary to be collected, no books or witnesses to be ex-general, and the citizens their benefactor, punished, for amined; but a great principle was to be settled. Well, what they considered a violation of no law, human or di sir, to settle this principle, the gentleman crowds his vine. The judge faltered; and this tyrant, who sets himimagination with horrible images, and refers to Hume and self above the laws, raised his tall form above the rest, Shakspeare as his authorities. His heated fancy appears and waved his hand to the soldiery and populace, and to see nothing but tyrants rise and fall, kings, and blocks, with a calm voice and a dignified mien said to the judge, and decapitations. Thus prepared, he sets about to find a "Proceed! the same arm which defended the city will fit parallel to Andrew Jackson--not to find a case like the defend you in the discharge of your duty." Was this deposites; and what selection, in the wide range of the like Cæsar? Torrents of calumny may sweep deep and gentleman's reading, does he make? Richard is the par- fierce as the current of that river on whose banks these allel; yes, sir, Richard III.; and he alluded to the most sentiments were uttered; but they cannot wash away these bloody of all that tyrant's acts--the murder of his brother's facts, nor make a Cæsar of that man. No, sir, he has children, whilst the sweet innocent babes lay asleep folded never set himself above the laws of his country; and more, in each other's arms. This, sir, is given by the gentleman he has taught other gentlemen that no such thing can as an illustration of the conduct of Andrew Jackson; be done while he lives and holds the reins of governthis is the manner in which a great statesman argues a ment. great constitutional question. Am I not at liberty to ask I have said, at the time the deposites were removed if such an imagination must not be horribly distempered' Andrew Jackson had no temptation to usurp power, no I will leave civilized man, and appeal to the barbarians of motive to ambition. Had he? He was taken from his the woods for Andrew Jackson's defence against such farm by the call of his fellow-citizens; placed by the sponcharges. They have witnessed the tear of sympathy, the taneous suffrages of a free people in the most exalted stapaternal regard of that kind and benevolent man, whom tion on the earth; and, unlike Cæsar when he marched to this picture of cruelty was intended to represent; they Rome, he spread no dismay, dispersed no Senate; but the will bear witness that his humanity is only equalled by his plain old man was hailed every where as a friend to his VOL. X.-167

« ZurückWeiter »