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JUNE 3, 1834.]

Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.

[SENATE.

ceedings of the institution, except with a view to issue a question the honor of the House of Representatives, and seire facias; and, as a preliminary, that the bank has a of every member of the committee. They assumed that right to demand a specification of the precise charges of there was danger in submitting their books to this comviolation so supposed to have taken place. In other mittee, because they were composed of a particular powords, the Senate or the House of Representatives must litical party. He asked the Senator from Massachusetts go with an indictment in their hands, before they will be if he believed that the people of Philadelphia, or New allowed to ascertain the evidence on the different counts. York, or of any corner of the Union, were so blind as A long and labored argument has been made by a portion not to understand the true reasons why the bank refused of the committee who went to make the examination, in to permit this investigation? If they were so, they were defence of the right of the bank. This defence asserts, much more so than they had proved themselves to be on that, of the resolutions under which they acted for the ordinary occasions. purpose of investigating the affairs of the bank, one was Mr. WEBSTER said, he did not perceive the particugeneral in its character, the other particular, and confined lar applicability of the honorable member's remarks. He to a violation of its duties. They assume that the bank certainly should not suffer himself to be drawn into the had a right to refuse to show any of its proceedings, when discussion of matters pending between the bank and the the question is of a general nature, and assert that the House of Representatives. That was a subject not propcharges must be specified. And yet, but a few days erly before the Senate, and he did not mean, therefore, before, the following views were held by a portion of to go into it. It was enough for him to say that the laws

the committee:

"Whereas, this committee is now organized, and the directors of the bank have made known that they are prepared to submit their books for inspection

were open; that the case was made; and that, if it was the pleasure of the President to issue a scire facias against the bank, he could do so whenever he pleased. Why did he not do it? Why did not the gentleman_from "1. Resolved, That the committee take into consider- Georgia advise him to do it? The honorable gentleman ation the several subjects referred to them, and that they from Georgia has given no such advice; he produced no proceed to inspect the books and examine the proceed- such proposition yesterday; but, if he chose, and whenings of the bank, as authorized by the charter, touch- ever he chose, he should have his (Mr. W.'s) vote for a ing the matters referred to them, and in the order in scire facias immediately. Then what was the use of this which they are arranged by the House of Representa- tirade to-day-this incessant play of artillery against the tives, viz. bank? Gentlemen will not try the question in the forms

"1. The cause of the commercial embarrassment and of law, and yet they are continually charging the bank distress complained of by numerous citizens of the United with violations of its charter. Mr. W. said he forbore States, in sundry memorials which have been presented to any argument on the question between the House of Congress at the present session. Representatives and the bank, because it was a ques

2. Whether the charter of the bank has been vio-tion not before the Senate. As to the argument of the lated. gentleman, that the great contest is on the question of "3. What corruptions and abuses have existed in its bank or no bank, Mr. W. said, this is the Alpha and management; whether it has used its corporate powers or Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the money to control the press, interfere in politics, or influ- end, of the whole argument of gentlemen on the other ence elections, and whether it has had any agency, side. The question may turn on the subject of the through its management or money, in producing the ex-bank, as it might turn on any other. But Mr. W. would isting pressure. not agree that the bank was a party to the great question "2. Resolved, That in all examinations of witnesses, now at issue. There were no parties to it but the relative to charges of corruption, malpractice, or misman- people and their servants, and to the people he referred agement, against the directors of the bank, the said di-it. To them he left the proof of the proposition which rectors be permitted to be present, and cross-examine the he maintained, that the people are competent to self-gov witnesses, by themselves, or those whom they may depute ernment. to represent them.

"To these resolutions, the following were offered as an amendment by Mr. Ellsworth, and accepted by Mr. Everett:

"Resolved, That the committee on behalf of the directors of the bank, be directed to submit to our inspection, at their banking-house, the books and papers of the institution, as they shall be respectively called for.

Mr. FORSYTH replied, that he had only to repeat what he had said yesterday, that he was not an adviser of He would do his the President of the United States. duty according to his opinions of what was right and proper. As to himself, Mr. F. said, he was not favorable to the issuing of a scire facias, because it would but aggravate the public distress. The bank would expire in twenty months, and all knew its power to protract a de"Resolved, That, in taking testimony, the committee cision of the question until that period. The honorable will proceed according to those general rules of evidence gentleman from Massachusetts gave him great credit for which are adopted in courts of judicial inquiry. foresight and political sagacity, and he was sorry he could "The question being taken on Mr. Everett's substi- not return the compliment to the honorable gentleman. tute, with the amendment, those who voted in the affirm-He was a gentleman of very extended views, but heretoative were, Mr. Everett, Mr. Ellsworth; in the negative, fore he had been exceedingly unsuccessful in his predicMr. Thomas, Mr. Mason, Mr. Muhlenberg, Mr. Mann, tions, at least since he (Mr. F.) had known him. Let us Mr. Lytle." appeal to time, then, and rest confidently on the sagacity This was a proposition held by two individuals of the of those we appeal to. The honorable gentleman had committee who afterwards agreed to the unjust preten- said that the bank was complained of as a monster, that sions of the bank, viz. that it was not bound to produce it was the constant theme of remark. Well, the memoits books for examination, unless that examination was to rial from the Pennsylvania convention concluded by praybe the foundation for a scire facias. And, under what cir- ing relief by a restoration of the deposites to-the bank. cumstances was this change made? The charter of the They ask a re-charter of-the bank. And they prayed bank contains a provision, that its books shall be, at all Congress to adopt measures to curb the Executive in his times, subject to an examination by a committee of Con-hostility to-what?-the bank. The bank, the bank, was But for the gress, and the committee went to Philadelphia with the the beginning and the end of the theme. most perfect expectation that the books would be submit-popularity and influence of the bank in Philadelphia, we ted to them. But this bank assumed a position calling in never should have heard of this convention. The bank

SENATE.]

Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.

[JUNE 3, 1834.

was not a party to it--but did not every body know that to draw from such a state of things? Was it not an indiit was a powerful party in the country? Did we not cation that some great and alarming danger menaced the know that every body in the country who were enlisted liberties of the country, when men of this description foron that side, were assailing the Executive for daring to got their feelings and ordinary habits, and came forward touch its immaculate deposites? Honorable gentlemen unanimously to defend the constitution and laws of their might struggle to avoid it as a party, but they must ad- ancestors? He (Mr. C.) rejoiced to see this. Let the here to it as a party, and rise or fall by it. And who laws be restored, and then let those who have seen the were the master spirits who had managed this great distress produced by the late measures of Government, concern? The managers of the bank, among whom was say who should be their future agents-to whom should the distinguished gentleman whose name stands at the hereafter be confided the destinies of this great country. head of this committee, and who had always pursued the Mr. C. said he should not have risen had he not felt it most incessant, he might say vindictive, hostility towards his duty to vindicate the convention from whom this methe Executive of the United States; an individual who morial came, and the committee who had brought it, from was a candidate for the second office in the gift of the the remarks which had been made respecting them by people, and in whose favor the bank had poured out its the Senator from Georgia. Of the convention, he would treasure in full stream. say, from the knowledge he had of the members who Mr. CLAY said, the honorable Senator from Georgia composed it, that there had been no assembly in this [Mr. FORSYTH] had told them that he was no adviser of country which contained more intelligence, purity, and the President; he (Mr. C.) thought the honorable Sena-patriotism. With respect to the committee, every tor was, at all events, a very prompt and ready defender individual member of it would vie with the honoraof every Executive measure, and ought not to renounce ble Senator from Georgia in all the qualities either of the his duty upon the present occasion, when the President's head or heart, in all attainments whether of the tongue conduct, in neglecting to issue a scire facias against the or pen. Their superiors were not to be found any where. bank, was called in question. The honorable Senator had But the honorable Senator from Georgia objected to the also told the Senate that he was opposed to an inquiry in-members of the convention, that they represented themto the conduct of the bank, by means of a scire facias, selves as declaring the opinions of the whole people of because of the delay and distress that might ensue from Pennsylvania. Why, the very description and preamble such a mode of procedure. What was the course of the of the meeting to which the Senator from Georgia had honorable Senator yesterday? Why, when a proposition alluded, showed that they did not wish so to represent was before the Senate to repair the breach which had themselves. They stated that they represented only a been made in the law, and to drag from the grasp of the portion of the people of Pennsylvania; that portion which Executive the deposites of the public money which he was opposed to Executive usurpation. had seized and retained, in violation of the constitution, Mr. FORSYTH said the honorable Senator from Kenhe (the honorable Senator from Georgia) proposed to of tucky was confounding the memorial with the description fer as a substitute, a resolution for a scire facias. Suppose of the meeting at the head of the paper which he (Mr. the honorable Senator's proposition had been adopted, F.) had read. This description had not been sent would not the distress which he now spoke of as an ex- with the memorial: the latter only was before the Senate, cuse for opposing a scire facias, have then ensued? Cer- and in that he conceived that the memorialists representtainly it would. But this contradictory conduct was noth-ed themselves as declaring the opinions of the whole peoing extraordinary. Any thing, any thing you please, only ple of Pennsylvania.

let us continue to hold fast the public treasure, was the Mr. CLAY. Well, the heading or description was feeling of gentlemen. But this was nothing new. His published in the same pamphlet with the memorial, and tory and experience instructed us but too afflictingly, that clearly proved that the memorialists only intended to this was the usual course of supreme power. Some state represent themselves as the delegates of that portion of necessity, real or imaginary-some conspiracy-some the inhabitants of the State of Pennsylvania who were opanonymous letters-some odious institution or corpora- posed to the Executive measures. The present convention, was marked out to inflame the minds of the peo- tion was also charged by the Senator from Georgia with ple-whilst power, silently, secretly, and securely, grasp. having misrepresented the President, by saying that he ed unlimited authority. Bank or no bank! said Mr. C. (the President) had refused access to memorialists. Let Have we not told the honorable Senator from Georgia, the Senate look at the fact: a committee from the city of over and over again, that the question is not bank or no Baltimore had an interview with the President, and combank, but constitution or no constitution. But the honor- municated the language which passed at that interview. able Senator has said, that our object is to procure a Well, the President is said to have affirmed that those inchange of agents. Yes! it is so. But what is the ques-dividuals misrepresented him. Now, allowing that the tion on the other side-with the party to which the hon- President had made this declaration, how did the matter orable Senator belongs, and with the heads of that party? stand, on the mere ground of evidence? Did not the Power, place, the glitter of office, high honors and re- Senator from Georgia manifest his eagerness to defend wards-do these considerations never enter into the con- the President, by his total disregard of all the rules of templation of the pure patriots on the opposite side? Is evidence in this case? Admit that the President had said it not their object to hold on to the public money, and to the Baltimore committee had misrepresented him, the eviget as much more of it as they can? We do struggle for dence was in the proportion of thirty to one against him. a change-not of men, but of principles. We desire But no denial of the statement of the committee had ever agents who will listen to the recital of the distresses of emanated directly and clearly from the President. All their fellow-citizens, and endeavor to relieve them. Mr. the information of this kind which the public possessed C., in continuation, recommended gentlemen to take was obtained from a newspaper. The honorable Senator warning as to the state of public feeling, from the oppo- from Georgia would have to revert to the Globe; a joursite and mixed character of the people who united in nal of which he had not spoken in the kindest terms. sending memorials to Congress. When Napoleon struck But even admitting that the President had made the deat the liberties of Europe, all the nations of Europe com- nial, what would be the result of any rule of evidence apbined to put him down; and if the honorable Senator from plied to the matter? The declaration of thirty respectaGeorgia now saw a similar combination-saw masons and ble individuals stood on record in opposition to the Presi anti-masons-persons of the most opposite character, uni- dent. Any man who would compare the statement of ting in these memorials-what was the inference he ought the Baltimore committee with the statements made by

JUNE 3, 1834.]

Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.

[SENATE.

other committees who had visited the President, would ner, and, after it had been declared that all connexion come from the investigation with the full conviction that between the Government and the bank was at an end, the President had used the language which had been they wanted an investigation. For what? One had been attributed to him. He (the President) was in such a rage, made but twelve months before, by the House, and one too, upon these occasions; talked so much about the by an agent of the President, and he had reported that "monster," "Spanish inquisitions," and the "deserts all relations with the bank should cease. Yet the House of Arabia;" had evinced such unbridled passion, that it had sent a committee to Philadelphia, who wanted the was impossible he could correctly remember what had books of the bank brought to a tavern, and it was now fallen from him. But was the President justified in re-recommended to the House to punish the recreants. If fusing to receive all other committees because the Balti-a majority of the Senate should carry a resolution to more committee had offended him? One committee of- bring Nicholas Biddle and his assistants to their bar, to fended him, and he refuses to receive all others. Was answer for their contumacy, Mr. C. would vote against this conduct defensible by any rule of justice? Because the illegal proceeding, but, like Nicholas Biddle, he would one person violates your confidence, are you to blame or sit in his seat and look on, calm as a summer's mornmistrust the whole human race? ing," and see what the House would do with these gentlemen. All Mr. C. would now say, was, that this was an affair of the House of Representatives, and he hoped they would get out of it as well as they could.

One committee, Mr. C. said, had misstated the President, according to the denial of the official gazette, and the President, therefore, said to all the committees, Because you have misstated me, if you have any thing to Mr. C. had said again and again, and he would repeat, present, you must do it on paper. Mr. C. dared say, that the bank was nothing in comparison with the question that the committees would not venture to present on pending in the resolutions on the table. The great obpaper any thing they might desire to say; it would place ject was, to restore the laws, to bring the constitution them in the predicament of the Commissioners at Ghent, into force and operation; to give to the laws such vigor whose communications on paper were first sent to Lon- that they could not be obstructed by the Executive. But don, to be examined, and they received no answer till if the gentleman from Georgia desired it, Mr. C. would they returned from London to Ghent. The object of the go in favor either of a committee of investigation or a committees was personal intercourse with the President, scire facias; and if he was in favor of either one or and the committees might have been afraid of not obtain- the other, let it be carried, and let us hear no more ing, in fact, the views of the President, but those of a about it. cabal.

It was true, Mr. C. said, that he thought a bank inAccording to all the laws of justice, the President dispensable to the financial operations of the Governshould not thus have closed his doors, and denied free ac- ment; and what was the crime in this? Out of the forcess, according to the practice even of monarchs. In one ty-five years during which the Government had been instance he had denied this privilege even to the officers in operation, for forty years there had been a Bank of of the corporation of one of our principal cities. When the United States; and for the five years during which had his British majesty ever refused such an interview to it had not existed, there had been immense disorder the city of London? And why was it denied in this case? and embarrassment in the pecuniary affairs of the Because the Baltimore committee had misrepresented the country, and so it would have continued but for the language of the President, contrary to all usage and prac-agency of a bank. Out of forty who voted for the last tice, he had denied the right of others to see the Presi- war, twenty-eight voted for the bank; and as soon as dent. Mr. C. considered the case of the two branches of the bank went fairly into operation, the pecuniary diffiCongress, which the gentleman from Georgia had ad- culties disappeared, and a sound and safe currency folduced, as not at all parallel. They were collective lowed, such as had not been surpassed in any country bodies; the President was not a plurality, and he had on the globe.

been in the practice of receiving the people in the east Mr. C. and his friends went by experience; the genroom, which Mr. C. had been told, though he had not tlemen on the other side were for trying-it was imposseen it, was furnished and decorated in eastern splendor sible to say what; it was not a bank, but fifty banks, and magnificence. This was the house of the people, selected and set in operation at the very moment of the where they were to have free access and intercourse; outcry that the bank was a monster. Mr. C. would not and he thought the President's shutting the doors, and say what was the design of the President; it was suffitelling them, Gentlemen, if you have any thing to say, cient for him to say what was the tendency and inevitable put it on paper, was in violation of the example and effect of his course. He had denounced the institution; practice of every other President, who never would have had proclaimed to the people that it was dangerous to denied admittance to a respectable committee, represent liberty; that it had corrupted and bribed its partisans. ing hundreds and thousands, who came to tell of the over-Were the two Houses of Congress in favor of a bank? throw of their hopes and the derangement and ruin of then the two Houses were corrupt; the President had their business by measures of Government. The com- said that Congress was so corrupted, that he apprehendmittees, therefore, had a right to an interview, and Mr. ed a majority of two-thirds would be against him, and reC. saw with satisfaction that the committee from Philadel- charter the bank. But now, when the House was op phia had scorned a condition, which would have been accepted by none but slaves, from a man whom they had elevated to the highest post, from which he, like an eastern monarch, prescribed the terms on which they were to approach him.

posed to a bank, they were a spotless representative body; they were against the bank, but the Senate was in favor; then they were corrupt. Yes, and every body that ventured to think with the long list of illustrious statesmen which this country had produced, that a bank was necesThe honorable member from Georgia had followed the sary, was paid by the bank. He hoped the people would example of the President, (in regard to the proceed-see into it; and perceive that the question was a question ings of Legislatures and of the House!) he had ransack-of constitution or no constitution, of liberty or no libered the files of the House, and had brought forward a ty, of a well-balanced Government, or of the Executive report which was not officially before the Senate; but, engrossing the whole power of the Government. like the Senator from Massachusetts, Mr. C. would not Mr. BROWN said it was not without some surprise he now discuss this subject. The House, when investiga- had heard gentlemen who seemed to approve the course ting the affairs of the bank, might have done it by a of the bank, assert their willingness for an investigation joint resolution; but they had chosen their own man-linto its conduct. How little did this declaration, made at

VOL. X.-118

SENATE.]

Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.

[JUNE 3, 1834.

this late period, comport with their acts in the early part vigorous spirit of republican freemen was not so easy of of the present session. It would be remembered that conquest as the subjects of old and decayed monarchies. the honorable Senator from Missouri [Mr. BENTON] had, The power of the Holy Alliance in Europe had been at an early period of the present session, introduced a constantly exerted to smother and crush the spirit of freeresolution in the Senate, proposing an examination into men. It was a name of evil omen, and should warn the the conduct of the bank; but where then was the zeal of people of the United States against alliances, either holy honorable gentlemen for an investigation? They had had or unholy. an ample opportunity for its manifestation on that occasion; but the Journals of the Senate would show that the resolution to which he alluded did not meet even the usual treatment required by parliamentary courtesy. A motion for indefinite postponement was made against it, by a Senator in opposition, he believed on the day after its introduction, which was carried chiefly by the votes of those in opposition to the administration. Honorable Senators in opposition had, with an air of triumph, asked why a seire facias had not been resorted to against the bank; and had defied the friends of the administration to resort to a judicial inquiry into its acts.

The honorable gentleman had censured, in most unmeasured terms, the President of the United States, for having declined any further interviews with committees. He believed that no Chief Magistrate in this country had been more accessible to his fellow citizens, or had, in his personal intercourse, shown more courtesy and respect, than the present President of the United States. The resolution which he had formed, to receive communications from committees only in writing, no doubt grew out of the great injustice with which he had been treated in the reports of some of those committees. Mr. B. sincerely believed, that the conversations of the Pres dent Mr. B. said he thought it would be difficult to suggest had been greatly misrepresented in some of the instanany course which would receive the sanction of those who ces to which he had alluded. In more tranquil times defended the bank. To elude inquiry, and to defeat in- than the present, party prejudices were but too apt to investigation, seemed to be a primary object. The course fluence the opinions and actions of men, and at this periof the bank most clearly indicated that no mode of inves-od of unprecedented party excitement, that individual tigation was acceptable to that institution. It had been would stand but little chance of having justice done him, objected by it, that the Executive had no right, through whose opinions were promulgated to the world by politthe Government directors, to obtain information of its sit-ical opponents, colored by all their party prejudices, and uation. The cry of Executive tyranny had been raised liable to all the distortions which enmity and bitterness so on that occasion, and the Executive charged with having well understood the use of.

invaded the sanctity of private accounts. The House of The memorial, said Mr. B., described the distress in the Representatives had passed resolutions authorizing a State of Pennsylvania as pervading every branch of incommittee of that body to investigate the condition and dustry, which was attributed to the removal of the pubaffairs of that institution. This mode of inquiry, the lic moneys from the Bank of the United States. He did right to which is explicitly given in the charter, and which not doubt that some of those who composed the commithas, on two other occasions, been acquiesced in by the tee charged by the convention with bringing hither the bank, without the slightest objection, so far as he was in-memorial, were distressed. That portion of them who formed, had encountered obstacles from the president were stockholders, as he was informed some of them and directors, in the recent attempt to investigate its af- were, felt, no doubt, a great repugnance to the disconfairs, which went effectually to destroy the powers of tinuance of an institution which had yielded them large Congress to examine into its acts, and was tantamount to profits, and by the re-charter of which their stock would a declaration of entire independence on that branch of have risen greatly in value. Avarice submits, most rethe Government. Thus it was most apparent that no luctantly, to the discontinuance of its accustomed profits, mode by which the bank is to be brought to justice will and to the extinction of its hopes for the enhanced prove acceptable to its friends: and when it had been value of its stocks. Ambition, on the other hand, sursaid that a scire facias was the proper remedy, he was for- renders with keen pain, and only when compelled, the cibly reminded of the story of a criminal offender, who, great political lever which this powerful corporation furwhen suffering the penalty of the law from the hands of nishes. Mr. B. was not sufficiently informed of the presthe officer of justice, thought one blow too high and ent condition of the people of Pennsylvania to give an another too low. The report of the Government direct-opinion as to the extent of the distress which the memoors was thought to be an outrage by the friends of the rial represented as existing in that wealthy and respectabank. An examination into its affairs by the committee ble commonwealth, but he thought it by no means a newas suddenly discovered to be another great outrage; cessary consequence, that all its great interests were disand now, a scire facias is said to be the only true and tressed, because those who happened to be interested in proper remedy. If, sir, said Mr. B., this course had been the Bank of the United States might so imagine it, or so resorted to by the President, or by Congress, the same represent it. He, on the contrary, heartily subscribed to clamor about hostility against the bank, and an arbitrary the sentiment expressed by Mr. Rush, a distinguished citinvasion of its rights, would, no doubt, have been heard, izen of that State, at a public meeting held not long which has almost deafened the ear of the public for the since in Philadelphia, that it is a libel on the free people last six months. Mr. B. considered this as a mere sub-and republican institutions of this country, to say that terfuge, which was intended to shelter the bank from the they are indebted for their prosperity to the Bank of the indignation of an insulted people. United States; but that the causes of their happiness and Mr. B. said the honorable gentleman from Kentucky prosperity are to be found in our excellent system of [Mr. CLAY] had alleged, in justification of the political government, in the enterprise and industry of its citialliance which was formed of such heterogeneous materi-zens, and in the abundant and varied resources of our als, against the administration, the example of the allied country. powers of Europe, who had united their arms, to effect Mr. B. said that the honorable gentleman from Massathe overthrow of Napoleon. It was true, said Mr. B., chusetts had most earnestly invoked the citizens of Pennthat the paper system of Great Britain had, no doubt, a sylvania to look to their interests, and to unite in produ powerful agency in conducting the allies to Paris; but he cing a change in the measures of the administration. Mr. trusted that the unconquerable spirit of the freemen of B. said, that the invocation of the honorable gentleman this country would prevent the Bank of the United States was not, he presumed, at all necessary to induce the from carrying the great political allies, now struggling for people of that State to take proper care of their own ascendency, in triumph to the American Capitol. The interests. They had always shown their entire compe

JUNE 3, 1834.]

Harrisburg (Pa.) Memorial.

[SENATE

tency to do so, the most signal proofs of which were to be power? Yes, they were contending that power should refound in looking at their present condition. main where the people had placed it at the late election: Mr. B. said, that the conduct of the bank had, for the they contended that those in whose hands power now last two or three years, been marked by a series of meas-was, had done nothing to forfeit the confidence of the ures and bold pretensions, so hostile to a republican people. What (Mr. F. continued) induced a man to come form of Government, that to submit to its demands, and here but ambition? He came to make himself known as to restore the public moneys to its keeping, would be to deserving confidence, and he sought to obtain higher conacknowledge its superiority, and become a lasting sub-fidence. There was no harm in this. It was the blessing ject of national reproach. It had boldly thrown itself of this country that no man could obtain a high office by into the party contests of the day, and thereby contribu- any thing but merit. He, and those with him, had no afted to pollute the purity of our free system of govern- fectation of concealment in this respect; what they did, they ment. It had, as he most sincerely believed, done much did for their own glory, and that of their country; that to inflict distress upon the country, to compel its citizens their names might be known, and that the blessings of to come into its measures. It had disregarded an ex- posterity might rest upon their memory. press provision in its charter, and closed its doors against The Senator from Kentucky said he had told them over the investigation ordered by the representatives of the and over again, that the question was not one of bank or people. After having thus boldly contemned the au- no bank, but of broken law: but he concluded his obthority of the representatives of the people, and, through servations by dilating upon the necessity and importance them, the people themselves, he should deem it as hu- of the bank. After bringing the usual charges—repromiliating to the nation to yield to their demands, and bating the conduct of the President-eulogizing the comreplace the public moneys in their custody, as he should mittee, and paying them many merited compliments, he consider it unworthy the national spirit to yield to an concluded with the old subject, viz. bank! bank! bank! invading enemy who demanded the submission of the Did it not occur to the honorable Senator from Kentucky, country. that he was deceiving himself when he so repeatedly said the question was not one of bank or no bank? Would the people be deceived on this point? The question invariably resolves itself into "the bank." Appeals were made to the opinions of Washington, Adams, Monroe, and Madison, in support of the bank. The Senator from Kentucky did the President injustice when he said that memorialists had been denied access to the President. He (Mr. F.) denied that memorials had ever been sent to the President. Committees had been sent with memorials to Congress; they had come here and performed their duty, and had afterwards, of their own free will, gone to the President, had had conversations with him, and then returned to those who sent them, and said to the latter individuals, "You have been treated with disrespect." The President had never refused to receive memorialists. The Senator from Kentucky had said that the King of Great Britain would never have dared to refuse a deputation from the citizens of London. Now, what had been the conduct of the King of Great Britain, upon a late occasion, to the citizens of London? A formal meeting is held; the result is put in writing, and is presented by the memorialists; the King receives them, and turns them away, referring the whole matter to one of his deputies. What is the conduct of the President of the United States? He received the individuals alluded to as his fellow-citizens, but told them he would not have what he said conveyed to his countrymen in a distorted form; if, therefore, they wished an interview with him officially, he requested that their communications, might be made in writing, in order that no erroneous statement might go abroad.

Mr. WEBSTER said, he hoped that the gentlemen who had come here with this memorial from the convention would take notice what was the course of the argument used here on the other side; and that it would be known over all the mountains, up all the streams, and along all the valleys of Pennsylvania, that it is the opinion of the Senator from Georgia that, but for the bank and its corruptions and its management, this convention would never have met at Harrisburg.

Mr. FORSYTH hoped so too. One word in reply to the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY.] He (Mr. F.) had been said to be a thorough-going defender of the Executive. He begged here, in open Senate, to deny that such was the case. He was not a thorough-going defender of all Executive measures, and he appealed to the past knowledge of the Senate for the truth of this assertion. He had often had occasion, however, and doubtless should have again, to defend the President against the Senator from Kentucky and others. He should continue to do so, perfectly conscious that his motives, like those of others, were liable to be assailed by persons who could not do him justice. They all knew that their motives were subject to be attacked by some as improper, and over-rated in the contrary way by others. More than justice was done them by their friends, and less than justice by their enemies. He did not intend to impeach the private character, intelligence, or patriotism of the gen tlemen composing this committee; the defence offered, therefore, by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] was uncalled for and unnecessary. He (Mr. F.) had a great respect for some of these gentlemen, personally, He (Mr. F.) was not aware that he had ever spoken but none for their political opinions. Their political opin- against the Globe in the manner alluded to by the Senator ions were fair game, and against these opinions he had from Kentucky. He was free to confess that he did not directed his shaft. With regard to the proposal of the like that journal; but it was a sheet of fair paper compar Senator from Kentucky to form a committee of the Sen-ed with other journals. The Senator from Kentucky had ate to inquire into the conduct of the bank, he begged to said that the evidence was thirty to one against the Presi ask, if the Senator was prepared to go fairly into the dent, that he had not been misrepresented by the Baltilength and depth of the proceedings of that institution. more committee. He (Mr. F.) felt himself called upon They all knew that a committee of the Senate, to act con- to state, that several members of that committee had had sistently, must act in favor of the bank. In relation to conversations with members of Congress here, and afterwhat he (Mr. F.) said yesterday about a scire facias, and wards misrepresented them. which had been alluded to this morning by the Senator Mr. CHAMBERS said, only one charge of the kind from Kentucky, he must say that he had expressly de- had been made against the committee; and that was in the clared, that he would not take the responsibility attendant case of Mr. McKiM, of the other House, upon such a procedure; he had said, that he would vote Mr. FORSYTH continued. The honorable Senator for a scire facias, if gentlemen on the other side would be from Kentucky had talked about eastern magnificence, answerable for the distress and delay that might ensue. and had said that the President had refused to receive his The Senator from Kentucky had asked if he (Mr. F.) suffering fellow-citizens. Now, what was the fact? This and others were not contending for the possession of haughty eastern despot had asked his fellow-citizens to

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