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APRIL 23, 1834.]

the administration.

New Jersey Memorials.-President's Protest.

[SENATE.

He himself decides that this terra his dignified body had chosen to pursue against the Presincognita was not on the seacoast-and he knew in this ident, who, for the first time, had now appealed to the he was correct, for from Maine to South Carolina, that people. That high functionary had come before the Senfeeling which the gentleman calls exasperation and fac-ate with a most respectful statement of his belief, that tion, the people call patriotism-a sense of injury and op. they had transcended their authority. And how was he pression. Where, then, is the terra incognita to be treated? He had been called a tyrant and a usurper, found? The gentleman said that Philadelphia always who trampled down the Senate, and had violated the conthought against Pennsylvania, but recent events seemed stitution and laws of the Union. This was the manner in to incline the gentleman to think that all great cities differed from the country. On the great question which now agitated the people, he apprehended that the cities and the country thought alike. If a question affected the cities only, the country might, from not understanding it, view it in a different light. But on the constitutional question, whether the free institutions of the country are to be preserved, the man who is the most deeply interested is the agriculturist; and, if the inhabitant of the cities is the earliest to move in it, it is because he has the earliest means of information.

which he had been assailed, for merely asking that his message should be put upon the Journal of the Senate along with the resolutions that had been passed, censur, ing his conduct.

Mr. CLAY said he could not withhold his congratulations, that the gentleman from Georgia was about to leave his party. He had grown weary of the hurrahs. The shouts had become unpleasant to his ear. Perhaps, however, this was because his party got no more of these shouts, and the grapes were sour.

The proceeding were then referred as usual.
PRESIDENT'S PROTEST.

Mr. FORSYTH said that he had received a very different account of the meeting at Baltimore from that which had been given by the honorable Senator from MassachuThe Senate next proceeded to the consideration of the setts. According to his account, there were no cheers special order, being the appeal against the decision of given-no cries of "Down with the tyrant-Down the CHAIR, that the amendment of Mr. FORSYTH was in with the usurper," and no voice or clamor was heard. No:

order.

but all was peace, peace-nothing but a spirit of calm- The yeas and nays were then ordered, and the question ness pervaded that meeting. And the place at which was taken without discussion, and determined as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Black, Forsyth, Grundy, Hill, the people assembled was particularly appropriate-it was at the door of a public hotel! He (Mr. F.) hoped Kane, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Linn, McKean, he did know the difference between a spirit of faction Morris, Robinson, Shepley, Tipton, White, Wilkins, Wright.-17. and a spirit of patriotism. He judged of the character NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Calhoun, Chambers, Clay, of meetings by the indications they manifested; and he would tell the gentleman from Massachusetts how he Clayton, Ewing, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, Kent, Leigh, (Mr. F.) looked upon crowds which gave vent to such Mangum, Moore, Poindexter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, language, and conducted themselves as he had just sta-Silsbee, Smith, Southard, Sprague, Swift, Tomlinson, ted--it was with the most profound pity and feeling of reTyler, Waggaman, Webster.-26. gret. When he saw crowds parading the streets and huzzaing, he must be permitted to say that it was conduct unbecoming freemen. He would say to them, "You have forgotten it is your power which controls the mighty destinies of this Union. You have forgotten this, and have degraded yourselves by imitating the conduct of the Messrs. Gules & Seaton: brute rabble in the old country." A great moral revoluing, I find that the report of the proceedings of the Senate of Gentlemen: In looking over the Intelligencer of this morntion, he would tell the people, was to be effected only yesterday is calculated to do me great injustice. To correct through the ballot-boxes.

So the decision of the CHAIR was reversed, and the amendment offered by Mr. FORSYTH was declared to be

out of order.*

* SENATE CHAMBER, April 23, 1834.

misrepresentation, not, I presume, intentionally made, I must request you to insert in your paper a true account of those proceedings, with the reasons, stated at the time, upon which the decision of the Chair was founded, which I now transmit to you. Respectfully, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM R. KING.

On Monday, the 21st instant, Mr. POINDEXTER substituted for his previous motion, not to receive the paper sent by the

The honorable Senator had said that he (Mr. F.) was mistaken in regard to what he stated respecting Philadelphia having been always opposed to the rest of the State. Now, he (Mr. F.) thought the remark universally correct; and it was to be accounted for by the great mass of the population of that city being dependent for their daily bread upon those who were at present exciting them in President on the 17th, several resolutions, the last of which defence of a great moneyed power. But go into the counwas, "Resolved, therefore, that the paper be not received by try and ask the people there to huzza for any body, and the Senate " While these resolutions were under considerasee whether they would do it. No, they would not. Hetion, Mr. KING, of Alabama, was called to the Chair. When had seen a meeting assembled for the purpose of receiv- Mr EWING, of Ohio, then on the floor, had concluded his reing General Washington-that greatest and best of men-marks, Mr. WILKINS made a motion to postpone their further when he was travelling the country, and at that meeting consideration until the day following, that the Serate might not one cheer or loud huzza was given. No; they look proceed to the consideration of Executive business. ed on him with reverence, and he beheld them with af-jected by the Senate. Mr. FORSYTH then moved to amend fection. When he reached the place of his residence, of the 17 h, and that of the 21st. the first resolution, by inserting the President's communication Mr. CALHOUN required that the people went to him and took him by the hand, as the motion should be reduced to writing Mr. FORSYTH tenchildren would their fathers. No outcries were raised-dered the written papers then on the table of the Secretary. none. They evinced the heartfelt gratitude of freemen in It was objected, that they had not been written by the mover, a very different way. The honorable Senator had said and a question of order made. The CHAIR stated that the ob there was a certain terra incognita from which a certain ject of the rule was nothing more than to place motions before voice was to come. The gentleman had not found it, althe Senate, in such form as would enable Senators to examine

It was re

though he had been anticipating it for many years. He and understand them; that it was not necessary, nor was it in(Mr. F.) alluded to that part of the country which had so triumphantly sustained our Chief Magistrate, and which, he believed, would sustain him again. The people were not to be deceived-they would not be diverted from the object of their choice, notwithstanding the course which

tended that propositions made must be in the handwriting of the mover; that the rule was substantially complied with; and that the reception of the motion, in the manner proposed, was in order. From this decision Mr. CALHOUN took an appeal. On the following day this appeal came up for consideration, (Mr. KING again in the Chair,) when Mr. CALHOUN withdrew it.

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Mr. FORSYTH then demanded that the question be taken on the resolutions separately.

Mr. CLAY then moved to strike out all the resolutions after the word "Resolved," in the first resolution, and to insert the following:

[APRIL 23, 1834.

Mr. C. explained that his modification varied only from the original resolutions in two particulars. The modification places on record what must indeed have otherwise been obvious, the readiness of the Senate to record, at all times, such proceedings and messages as the President Resolved, That the protest communicated to the Senate may think proper to transmit, in compliance with his on the 10th instant, by the President of the United States, constitutional duties. There was another difference, conasserts powers as belonging to the President which are sisting in this. The proposition of the gentleman from inconsistent with the just authority of the two Houses of Mississippi is, not to receive the message. The last resCongress, and inconsistent with the constitution of the olution of the modification proposes not to record it on United States. the Journal. In his opinion, the recording of a paper was its reception. According to the uniform practice, the messages are all recorded. The last resolution marks the distinction between the regular and usual messages of the President and the present, and refuses to the latter that place on the Journal to which all messages, agreeably to the constitution, are entitled.

Resolved, That while the Senate is, and ever will be, ready to receive from the President all such messages and communications as the constitution and laws and the usual course of business authorize him to transmit to it, yet it cannot recognise any right in him to make a formal protest against votes and proceedings of the Senate, declaring such votes and proceedings to be illegal and unconstitutional, and requesting the Senate to enter such protest on its Journals.

Resolved, That the aforesaid protest is a breach of the privileges of the Senate, and that it be not entered on the Journal.

Mr. POINDEXTER expressed his readiness to take either course which might be most agreeable to the Senate. After some few remarks, he moved to lay the resolutions and modifications on the table, in order to give time for reflection on the subject. He withdrew his

motion.

Some discussion ensued, in which Mr. CALHOUN, Mr. POINDEXTER then presented a paper stating several questions of order, and demanding their decision by the Presiding and minorities. If a rule, thus deliberately enacted, can be Officer. As these points of order were not directly connected varied at pleasure, and in a moment of peculiar excitement, with the subject under consideration, the Chair declined to de- by the instantaneous expression of the will of the majoritycide them, being, as was believed, beyond the scope of its du- where, I would ask, is this security to be found? If a rule, in ties; but stated most distinctly, that, should a question of order its practical operation, is likely, in the opinion of the majority, be raised as to the reception of the motion of the Senator from to produce what that majority may consider a particular inconGeorgia, the only subject now before it, the Chair would feel venience, are they at liberty to set it at naught, and break over itself bound, and would not hesitate to decide it. Mr. PoIN all the checks and restraints intended to shelter and protect DEXTER, ON Consultation with his friends, withdrew the paper, the minority. If the rules are defective, let them be amended. and then objected to the reception of the motion of the Senator If unnecessary, or injurious, let them be repealed. But until from Georgia, as inconsistent with the design of the resolutions changed, or abolished, let not the fear of possible inconvenioffered by him, and calculated to defeat the object in view by ence cause them to be disregarded, and set at naught. The the action of less than a majority of the Senate, and therefore Chair has no discretion; to enforce them as they are, is his imnot in order. Considerable discussion took place. After which, perative duty.

Mr. KING thus addressed the Senate:

It has been stated that this proposition to amend cannot be This subject is one of exciting interest. The individual who in order, because, should the yeas and nays be directed, it temporarily occupies the Chair, most anxious to decide the would cause the paper presented by the President to be placed question of order correctly, although not in strict accordance on the Journal, which is precisely what the resolutions propose with usage, desired, and has availed himself of, the views to prevent. To this, I can only say, that such is not the effect of honorable Senators, to enlighten his mind, and thus enable of the present motion, nor does it belong to the Chair to lock him so to determine the question as will save our rules from beyond the question presented, nor to decide points of order violation, preserve the rights of the Scnate, and of each individ-upon the supposition that some subsequent act of the Senate may produce inconvenient results. The Journal, however, is

ual Senator.

These, and these only, will be steadily kept in view by the always under the control of the Senate. But it is said the proincumbent of the Chair. Could he evade a decision, without posed amendment will effect by indirection what it is proposa loss of self-respect, by shrinking from the discharge of a dutyed to prevent. Be it so; yet it does not belong to the Chair to which accident has devolved upon him, most willingly would interpose and prevent its reception. The propriety of the he do so: or, did he entertain a reasonable doubt on the ques course must be judged of by the mover. It is expressly laid tion, he would unhesitatingly place it before the Senate for its down in the Lex Parliamentaria, that "the Chair is not permitadvice and determination. Entertaining, however, no such ted to draw questions of consistence within the vortex of order, doubt, the occupant of the Chair feels that he cannot, with pro-as he might thus usurp a negative on important modifications, priety, avoid the responsibility which he sincerely regrets has and suppress instead of subserving the legislative will." And been imposed upon him. It would be as ill-timed as improper again: "Amendments may be made so as totally to alter the for the Chair, on this occasion, to enter into any examination of nature of the proposition; and it is a way of getting rid of a the principles of the resolutions offered by the Senator from proposition, by making it bear a sense different from what was Mississippi; or of the doctrines or arguments contained in the intended by the movers, so that they vote against it themelves." paper proposed as an amendment by the Senator from Georgia. It has been contended that, if this atucndment is in order, it Waiving, then, all these, the Chair will come directly to the would be in the power of a Senator to propose to amend any examination of the question of order, presented for its decision. pending proposition by the insertion of newspapers, books, or What is that question? As understood by the Chair, it is sim-any thing else. Certainly the only limit is the sound discretion ply this: whether, under our rules, and in strict conformity of the Senator, his self-respect, and his respect for this body; with parliamentary usage, a power exists to offer an amendment but it would not be in his power to encumber our Journal with to a resolution under consideration, which is inconsistent with, such irrelevant matter but by uniting with him at least oneor destructive of, the objects which that resolution proposes to fifth of the Senate. The Chair admits that a case precisely simeffect. It I have stated it incorrectly, Senators will please to lar to this has not occurred: still it comes within the princicorrect me. I presume I am correct. As a general power, ples of the rules laid down for the government of the Senate; is had supposed there could not be found on this floor a Senator in accordance with the usages and practice which has hereto who would question it. Let us, then, endeavor to ascertain fore prevailed, and which the Chair cannot consent to be inwhat there is which will take this particular case out of the strumental in changing, on a question of order. The decision general rule. By the constitution, each House may adopt rules of the Chair is, that the amendment proposed by the Senator for its own government. Under this power, the Senate has from Georgia is in order, and must be received. It will be adopted certain rules for the regulation and control of its legis- for the Senate to sustain or reverse this decision of the Chair, lative action, but principally to protect the rights of individuals and to their just judgment he will mest cheerfully submit.

APRIL 24, 1834.]

Union County (Pa.) Memorial.-Kent County (Del.) Memorial.

Mr. CLAYTON, Mr. PRESTON, and Mr. BIBB, took| part.

Mr. BIBB sent the Chair the following amendment, which he proposed to move when the amendment proposed by Mr. CLAY should be called up:

After the words "President of the United States," in the second line of the amendment, strike out the residue of the amendment, and insert "be not received."

Mr. POINDEXTER expressed his intention to accept this modification.

On motion of Mr. KANE, the Senate then adjourned.

THURSDAY, APRIL 24.

[SENATE.

I hope, sir, that these memorialists may escape the severe denunciation, which a member from Georgia pronounced yesterday against the citizens of Baltimore. In the interior of Pennsylvania, at least, it may be hoped, that men may assemble to memorialize Congress, or to consult on the common good, without offence. The gentleman declared recent proceedings of the citizens of Baltimore to be noisy, riotous, clamorous, factious, almost treasonable. The inhabitants of the monumental city, he thought clear gone, at least in moral treason. They will judge, sir, for themselves, of the justice and propriety of giving them this character. As to Union county, sir, I am informed that, when the President was elected, there were hardly thirty votes against him. Here are now 490 signers to this paper, complaining, in strong terms, against Executive conduct. Is not this proof of real suffering and real alarm? Have these freemen come out, without any reason whatever, against the President of their choice? It cannot be believed. They speak because they suffer evil, and have a right to have that evil redressed. They ought to speak, and they ought to be heard; and depend upon it, sir, the people of the country will continue to speak, till they shall be heard, and heard to good purpose. The memorial was then read, referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to he printed.

UNION COUNTY (PA.) MEMORIAL. Mr. WEBSTER said, he rose to present a memorial from four hundred and ninety of the farmers, mechanics, and traders of the county of Union, in the State of Pennsylvania. This memorial, said Mr. W., coming from the centre of a great and commanding State, and signed, as I believe it is, by very respectable persons, is well entitled to consideration. It cannot be supposed that it has originated in any party feeling, as I understand the county has been heretofore almost unanimous in favor of the present Chief Magistrate. The memorialists declare that they are neither stockjobbers, speculators, nor traders on borrowed capital; that their industry is their capital; that KENT COUNTY (DEL.) MEMORIAL. their livelihood is obtained by the labor of their hands; Mr. CLAYTON said that he had been requested by a that whatever affects the markets of Philadelphia and Bal committee of highly respectable gentlemen, appointed timore necessarily affects them; that the price of wheat at a public meeting in the county of Kent, in the State has fallen from a dollar to seventy-five cents; that sales of Delaware, to present to the Senate certain resolutions are dull and difficult to be made, even at that price; and adopted at that meeting, the purport of which Mr. C. that the effect of this state of things, on a community proceeded to state; and also a memorial signed by 736 chiefly agricultural, cannot but be, and is, seriously dis-citizens of that county, praying the restoration of the tressing. public deposites and the re-charter of the Bank of the United States. Mr. C. regretted that the late proceedings in the Senate had prevented him from offering them sooner.

They say, sir, that, for these evils, they find little consolation in being told that an experiment is going on, and that the Government is trying to get along without a bank. They have no relish for this experiment; they protest This memorial, said Mr. C., is signed by my friends against it; they protest against making experiments upon the and neighbors, by men, in relation to whom, of all others, happiness and prosperity of a whole people. Against this I may be permitted to speak with the greatest confidence. experiment they pray protection and relief from Congress. They will, I trust, escape the imputation of bank inThey think, sir, that, since we have got along very fluence; not a man of them all, as I believe, owns a share well with a bank, it is hardly worth while to try a dan- of stock in the Bank of the United States, or is, or ever gerous experiment for the sake of seeing whether we can was, indebted sixpence to that institution. They live in get along without it. And they use rather a forcible a section of country, the interests of which are almost exillustration. They say they walk very well on their legs, clusively agricultural, remote from the contagion of Exand, this being the case, they should be rather surprised ecutive influence, and unmoved by the seductions of if the President were to propose that they should cut off official patronage. They are the descendants of the old their legs, in order to learn whether they might not be Blues of the Revolution, and of their kindred and friends; able to walk on their hands. This memorial, sir, is trans- and are truly intelligent and patriotic freemen. Imbued mitted to me by a respectable gentleman, the son of the with the spirit of the whigs of former days, they complain late Governor Snyder, and is signed by him, and others more, much more, sir, of executive usurpation, and the of the family. The descendants of Governor Snyder are exercise of arbitrary power, than of any distress which not likely to be found advocating a cause which they do they have felt or expect to feel. Although they acknowlnot believe to be the true cause of liberty and the coun- edge that the price of their produce has greatly fallen try. They will not be found suporting either aristocra in value by the conduct of the President in removing the cy or arbitrary power. And when, sir, will the admin deposites, and that they are suffering by that act of inistration listen to the voices of its real friends? When fatuation and folly, yet their loudest note of remonstrance will those who possess the confidence of the President, is sounded, not on their losses, but on what they justly do their duty in laying before him the real state of the term "the arbitrary and unconstitutional exercise of country? When will they be convinced, that disordered power, subversive of the rights of Congress, and dangercurrency, destroyed confidence, and the danger of paper ous to the liberties of the people." money, are evils to which the industrious and intelligent Long before this, sir, they have heard the response of people of the country will not submit? Sir, let honest their Senators in Congress, expressing precisely the same industry have its carnings. Let hardy labor be made sure opinions, and almost in the same language, by their votes of its rewards. Let the Government and the laws pro- on that resolution which has recently been made the subtect the people, and the people will then cheerfully pro-ject of the President's denunciation. They will now see, tect the Government and the laws. Such, sir, I am sure with mingled feelings of surprise and indignation, that the is the sentiment of the citizens of Union county. They begin to learn, that though bad seasons are bad, and bad crops bad, yet that bad laws and bad government are worse than both.

same executive course which they have deprecated, is still maintained and persevered in, and that the President has at last boldly rested his pretension to power over the public treasure of the nation, on the very same ground

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SENATE.]

Kent County (Del.) Memorial.-Rhode Island Memorials.

[APRIL 24, 1834.

upon which he claims the uncontrolled possession of the man in the country shall be valued-in a word, to contract sword. They will now learn that he has actually charged the sound and to expand the unsound currency, whenever the Senate with usurpation, because it has dared faith- a single man shall will it. It is a claim which no British fully to represent the very sentiments which they them- monarch, since the English revolution, has ever dared to selves have directed us to express. They will remon- maintain; and its exercise by the President has resulted strate in future only through the medium of the ballot-in the establishment of that very Government bank; yes, boxes.

sir, in the consummation, by Executive action alone, of It is true, sir, that the offence for which my colleague that very plan, for the accomplishment of which, in the and myself, in common with other members of this body, first year of his administration, he invoked the aid of Conare impeached by the Presidential manifesto, is precisely gress. I now demand of any man on this floor, who thinks that of truly representing both the Legislature and the himself competent to the task, to point out one shade of people of Delaware. We have spoken the very language difference between the dangers of that engine of power, which the freemen who sent us here have taught us. which we all condemned a year ago, and those dangers to The Chief Magistrate complains that this is not to be en-public liberty which must inevitably attend this confederdured, and appeals to the people, of whom these are a ation of so many State banks, under the control of the part. He denies to us the poor privilege of even express- President. I invite any Senator here to debate the coming their opinions as to his conduct, because, he says, in parative power of the present affiliation of State banks a possible event, but which he knows will never happen, established by Executive action alone, and that of the very (that of his impeachment,) we may be his judges. Sir, Government bank which, less than twelve months since, when the people of this country shall become so ignorant every body seemed to agree was an institution so frightful as to be incapable of discriminating between a charge and pregnant with danger to civil freedom. against the President, of having been wilfully and corruptIn the House of Commons, on this very day last year, ly guilty of violating the constitution, and a vote of the Lord Althorp, the British minister, thus expressed himSenate simply declaring an executive act unconstitutional, self, on this subject of a Government bank: and carefully abstaining from the slightest imputation of "It is, certainly, a question of great importance whether bad motives or wilful corruption, then we may be in dan-it is desirable to trust such a power in the hands of perger from his appeal. Until that period, it will probably sons not legally responsible, or in the hands of a Governshare the fate of other electioneering appeals to the igno- ment which is responsible; and another point is, whether rance rather than the intelligence of the country. the profits necessarily to be derived should belong to the

The President, in his first message to Congress, an- Government, or be allowed to the company. The advannounced his preference for a Government bank. This tages, and the only advantages, I have been able to disannunciation has been repeated in his succeeding com-cover in a Government bank, instead of a private communications, yet so monstrous was it ever deemed, by pany, are the responsibility of the managers and the profit men of all parties, that no man would defend it. His to be derived from the undertaking. It seems to me that warmest partisans revolted at the enormous accumulation they are much more than counterbalanced by the pracof executive power in the hands of one man, which such tical evils of such a system. I think the effect of having a proposition contemplated. Yet, what do we see now? the Government the great bankers of the state, having An affiliation of some fifty State banks under one head, the command of the circulating medium in their hands, depending every moment for existence on his will, and might be most mischievous. In the first place, I refer to deprecating his vengeance! In many instances the pub the temptations of the Government to abuse its power, lic deposites exceed the amount of the capital of the se- and to the impossibility, or to the extreme impolicy, in lected bank. Many of these corporations have discounted, that case, of permitting any assistance to be given to the by order of the President, on the faith of the deposites, to commercial interests of the country in periods of diffithe whole amount of those deposites, and should he, at any culty-a course hitherto frequently pursued by the Bank moment, in a sudden fit of passion, withdraw from any of England. If once Government were at liberty to assist one bank so circumstanced, the public money in its vaults, those whom they thought fit in times of difficulty and disthat bank is inevitably ruined. Under such circumstan-tress, it appears to me that it would be such an enormous ces, is it possible that it can escape a thinking intellect, power in the hands of the minister of the day as would be that it is in his power to control these banks, and the dis- almost destructive of the constitution."

position of the millions, not of public revenue, but of bank- Such, sir, were the sentiments of a minister of Eng-
ing capital, they possess? Is it not entirely within his land-the servant of a crowned head-the organ of a mon-
power to direct any one of them to lend or not to lend arch. Yet, in this boasted land of freedom, we have been
money to particular individuals? May he not actually actually reduced to a condition in which the Executive
wreak his vengeance on any city or district of country magistrate is at liberty to assist those whom he thinks fit,
which may fall under his displeasure, in consequence of and is in the habit of ordering transfer drafts to meet the
its political or other conduct, by removing the public de wants of particular institutions which are the objects of
posites from it at any moment, and compelling the banks his favoritism. I repeat it, sir, we have now fastened
of deposite there, with a view to meet the call, to spread upon us what is, to all intents and purposes, a Government
ruin and distress among the people, by the curtailment of bank. To this complexion we have come at last!
their accommodations and the collection of their debts? I concur, therefore, with my friends and neighbors, who
Nay, has it not been actually proposed to pursue this very have honored me with the presentation of this their me
course towards at least one city of this Union?

morial, that the recent acts of the President are not only
most disastrous in their operation on the industry of the
people, but dangerous to the liberties of the country. I
therefore move, sir, that these resolutions and this memo-
rial be read, printed, and referred to the Committee on
Finance; that they may receive the earnest attention and
consideration of that committee.
They were ordered accordingly.

Sir, the claim of Executive power now, is to control the whole monetary system of the nation; to regulate its currency; to increase or depreciate, at pleasure, the value of money; and to prostrate, at discretion, the whole structure on which the contracts of the country depend. It is a claim to confiscate the property of the landed interest; to break down every man trading on credit; to increase or diminish, by the operations of a fluctuating currency, the duties on foreign importations; to work a RHODE ISLAND MEMORIALS. general transfer of property from one class of men to ano- Mr. ROBBINS presented memorials from the counties her; to fix the standard by which the property of every of Bristol and Providence, in the State of Rhode Island,

APRIL 24, 1834.]

Rhode Island Memorials.

[SENATE.

upon the subject of the present embarrassments of those their common mart, in all directions thronged with the counties.

business of transportation, to and fro, resembling, at On presenting these memorials, Mr. R. addressed the times, and in places, the throng of a crowded city. In the Senate as follows: I am again charged with the presenta- single county of Providence, at these several falls, they tion of memorials to Congress, coming from the people have over seventy different manufacturing establishments; of the State of Rhode Island. They are preferred by they have over three millions of fixed capital in these esmore than four thousand petitioners, nearly all of them tablishments; they have (I should have said they had) over freeholders-all business men-that class of men by which five thousand manual laborers employed in them. Already all other classes are sustained—that class to which society over seventy thousand spindles have suspended operation, owes all its prosperity. They come to complain of the and their operatives are thrown out of daily employ, and wide-spread ruin that has prostrated all business in all its of course out of daily bread. These laborers were repursuits; of the causes which have produced that ruin; ceiving, for wages, at the rate of eight hundred thousand and with prayers for relief. dollars per annum.

These memorials are from the two counties of Bristol What a spectacle in a free country! To see these noand Providence, both located on the head waters of Nar- [ble works of human hands, and noble means of human ragansett bay, and possessing great natural advantages for happiness, struck down at once, as has been the case, by commerce, foreign and domestic. The small but inter- the arbitrary hand of one man-and he, rending the conesting county of Bristol, (the more interesting from early stitution and the laws, and breaking through all their rehistorical associations: there was the memorable seat of a straints, to strike the fatal blow! The effects of that blow, mighty warrior among the native tribes, known to tra- its ruinous, its disastrous, its distressing effects, are deditionary fame as King Philip his seat, now called Mount tailed in these memorials, which, therefore, it is unneces Haup, still overlooking, as then, one of the most varied sary for me to describe. I will only say, that if there be and magnificent scenes that eye has ever beheld)-this a man who could inflict all these calamities, knowingly, county is commercial. Of its three towns, two are emi-or, if unknowingly, could contemplate, without remorse, nently commercial, embracing more than four-fifths of the the sufferings he had caused and was causing, and could county population. Their canvass has been spread on refuse relief, when relief depended on his nod—that, if every sea, in every quarter of the globe, and success has there be such a man, he could attended their persevering industry and hardy enterprise. But now, the career of their prosperity has been suddenly checked, in common with that of the whole country, by the causes which have so often been alluded to, and which are well stated, and properly reprobated, in their

memorial.

"Wade through slaughter to a throne,

"And shut the gates of mercy on mankind." These memorials contain two prayers to Congressone, that they would adopt the necessary measures to restore and secure to the country a stable currency; the other, to take the necessary measures to vindicate the violated constitution.

I have said that these two counties are located on the head waters of Narragansett bay. That spacious bay ex- Concurring with the memorialists in opinion and sentitends inland thirty miles from the ocean-an archipelago, ment, as I heartily do, I beg the indulgence of the Senate interspersed with various islands, vying in beauty, and while I explain my views on both questions. I will ensurpassing in salubrity, the islands of the Grecian archi-deavor to do it in a very few words. pelago; and though less known to fame, not less deser- These memorialists think a national bank indispensable ving to be known. At the head of this archipelago to a sound and stable national currency. In this opinion stands the city of Providence, on Providence river, al- concur with them.

ready surpassing the ancient Byzantium, on the Bospho- Such is now the state and nature of things around us, rus, and bidding fair, from the rapidity of its growth, (if and in which we are placed, that the currency of this it be not repressed by the iron hand of arbitrary power,) country must be a paper currency. This is imposed upon to rival, at no very distant day, the modern Constantinople. us by a necessity which controls, and cannot be controlProvidence, fortunately, has always had one resource, led; for it is imposed by circumstances which do, and will without which all other resources are vain, and which exist, and over which the Government can have no congoes far to account for the difference in the growth of trol. I allude to the power of the States to create banksdifferent places, though possessing equal natural advan- a power which they have exercised, and will exercise, ad tages-namely, a succession of minds, from race to race, libitum. The paper of each of these banks will have a full of the spirit of enterprise; enlightened on all the local currency, more or less extensive, and together, will subjects and as to all the fields of commerce; and pre-cover the whole country with a paper currency. Now, I pared to encounter the hazards for the chances of success suppose, no one pretends that Congress can deprive the in all. All our vast trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope States of this power, or control its exercise. was begun by a distinguished gentleman of that city, now no more. He led the way, and others followed, till it has grown up to what it now is. And their success has been equal to their enterprise.

At the north, and on the west, the land rises on the shores of that bay into a broken, hilly country-a granite region, presenting a soil generally not inviting, nor promising for cultivation, but abounding in living streams, and these abounding in precipitous falls.

Congress, it is true, have the constitutional power, or right, to establish a national currency, to consist of gold and silver; but they have not the physical power to attain this object. For what can Congress do? They can require all the dues to the Government to be paid in gold and silver; and they can require all the disbursements of the Government to be made in gold and silver; and when they have done this, they have exhausted all their power upon the subject. Between the receipt and the disburseHere, in these barren streams, amidst these barren ment, this gold and silver will make no part of the currocks, lay, as it had laid for ages, the secret power of rency; for then it will be locked up. When it is diswealth untold. But the mind and enterprise of this peo-bursed, what will the claimant or creditor do with it? Ile ple, when once taken under the fostering wing of the na-will immediately place it in some State bank, in which he tional policy, at once called forth this secret power; con- has confidence, on deposite, for safe keeping, and to check verted their barren streams into streams of silver, and out as he wants it; and these checks will be paid in bank their barren rocks into rocks of gold. You might have paper. Common prudence will dictate this course to the seen, rising as it were by enchantment, at each of these specie-holder. The effect will be, that the specie capital numerous falls, a populous village. You might have seen of the State banks will be augmented by this operation the numerous roads leading to them from Providence, of the Government, but the currency will still remain a VOL. X.-92

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