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APRIL 22, 1834.]

New Jersey Memorials.

[SENATE.

If the Secretary had compared the year '33 with other lusion. A sense of real suffering has forced their comyears, especially with '26, '29, '32, he might have found plaints from them. And how have the pensioned presses an explanation of the fact, without discovering in it ground and the hired retainers and the Bank of the United States for condemning the bank, or for his hasty, ill-advised, excited the panic? Did they render it impossible for the illegal removal of the public money from that bank.

You perceive then, sir, that I do not concur with this portion of my constituents, in believing that the extensions and curtailments of the bank afford a justification for the conduct of the Executive.

banks to accommodate and relieve the men of busines? Did they make the moneyed men withdraw their money from circulation? Did they cause the fall of produce, the depreciation of labor, the want of confidence in the administration of the laws, the reluctance in some banks The memorialists are also of opinion that the bank has to accept the public money from hands who had no right assumed a hostile attitude towards the State banks. This to possess and control it, and the determination of others may be so, sir, but I have not been furnished with the to surrender what they had received? Did they make evidence which has satisfied this part of my constituents, the people believe all this against fact, truth, and the and should like to see a specification of the facts, with evidence of their senses? The memorialists must, if it times and places. We have, it is quite true, had such be their pleasure, retain their opinions on this point. I allegations from agents and partisans, which have been cannot yield my credulity to this notion. I have no becredited, but we have had no facts. When and where lief that the people of the United States are to be driven was this hostile attitude assumed? What has been done into a panic by pensioned presses and hired retainers, or by the bank to evince it? What the results? What com- by a bank, on a subject of actual business and observation plaints have the State banks made of this hostility, or of of the condition of things around them. They are slow its consequences? I believe they have made none. Ito anticipate evil-never alarmed in such matters by unbelieve that they generally entertain a very different opin- founded terrors and warnings. They are more likely to ion, and consider the action of the bank as just and liberal; feel the pressure, before they dread its inflictions. and they are quite as competent to guard themselves, to see their own interests, and to protect them, as those who have kindly volunteered their guardianship. I want proofs of this hostility. I wish evidence of complaints by the State banks, and of injuries received by them, before I condemn. Mere allegation is not sufficient for me, nor Can I credit the assertion of any one, in or out of office, that the bank has been guilty on this point, unless he will favor me with evidence on which his assertions are grounded. You will perceive, therefore, sir, that I do not concur with the memorialists in this fact, and am quite willing to bring the difference between us to the test of public documents--to the trial by evidence.

But when they see that power against law has violated rights-when they find the most potent instrument in securing and preserving a sound state of the currency, crippled and paralyzed in its action, compelled to look to its own safety and security rather than to the accommodation of the commerce and business and interests of the country-when they observe that, by an act of power unauthorized and reckless, the means of numerous banks are placed in a condition not to meet and answer the wants of the community-when they discover that those who have money are induced to preserve it, by hoarding it up-when produce falls-when the price of labor diminishes-when improvements of all kinds in As to the "pensioned presses and hired retainers" the country are arrested-the rich unwilling to venture who have, by concerted efforts, excited the panic through- on enterprise, and the poor deprived of employmentout the country, I must leave them to the belief of the then they are alarmed and remonstrate--they suffer and memorialists. I know not which or whom they mean. Is they complain-they feel that their rights and prosperity it so, that the bank has pensioned those presses who have have been assailed, and they denounce those who have defended it from the attack of the Executive? If so, it violated them. They labor under no panic--they see and has had full employment, and must have expended no feel clearly and sensibly, and, believe me, they will be small portion of its means. Several hundred presses, in heard, to the redress of their grievances, let partisans all parts of the nation, can be pensioned by no trifling characterize their feelings by what epithets they may sum; or have only a few been pensioned, and have all choose. These memorialists petition Congress that the the others been deluded into the support of the same Government money may not be restored to the Bank of views? If there be many of them, it is not very clever the United States. Now, sir, believing that the contract of in these memorialists thus to accuse their friends, who in- the Government with the bank was violated by the revestigated the concerns of the bank, of neglect in not moval of the public money, I think it ought to be restodiscovering these pensioned presses and publishing them red and without delay-that the faith and honor of the Govto the world. I believe they did not pretend to have dis-ernment, and its fidelity to its engagements, may be uncovered more than some two or three, or perhaps more, impeached. Believing, further, that the law was broken editors who had even borrowed money of this bank, as by Executive misconduct, I think that the restoration others borrow it. These constituents of mine must be- should take place, if for no other cause, that the majesty lieve on this point according to their own sense of jus- of the law may be vindicated. It is, perhaps, to be retice. When they furnish me with satisfactory evidence, gretted that we could reach this vindication of the law, 1 will concur with them. But, sir," hired retainers" also and the restoration of the contract, only by condemning excited or helped on the panic. Here, again, I ask who the act of the Executive--the head of a party. Could are meant? One thing I am sure, they meant no impu- this have been avoided, sir, there would have been no tation of corruption upon my colleague, who has been difficulty in our way. How often have we heard it said, quite as free in his remarks upon the mischievous conse- that the act was wrong, incorrect, unwise—that it was illquences of the misconduct of the Executive as others. advised and to be regretted; but that it was assailed by If any assertion of this sort should be made against him an adverse party, and must be defended by the party. It by any one, these memorialists would be the very first to was the act of the leader, and must be supported as a denounce the slander. I hope they would do me equal party measure. I will not comment upon the morality, or justice. patriotism, or love of law, of such a position; nor question the right of any one either to act upon or to defend the measure on such a ground. Nor do I know that these memorialists are at all influenced by such considerations; but we all know that there are some, though not in the Senate, yet elsewhere, who do act upon that principle. But there are other reasons why I cannot concur with

But what is meant by the panic? Does a consternation exist which is without cause? Is the fear of the country without reason? Has all that we have heard of distress and suffering been fancy and imagination? Sir, the thousands of memoriaists who have sent their petitions and remonstrances to us, have not acted under de

SENATE.]

New Jersey Memorials.-President's Protest.

[APRIL 22, 1834.

the views of the memorialists on this point. The prom- suspended payment. In one of them there is said to ised benefits of the removal of the public money have have been some twenty or thirty thousand dollars of one failed, and that money is every hour in jeopardy. of the most sacred funds under the care of the Govern

We are promised as good a currency, or better, by ment. It is high time for us to call for specific informa the State banks. Has the promise been kept? Has any tion from the Executive as to the present condition of the approach been made towards it? Every man of ordinary banks in which the money of the people is placed, and intelligence and knowledge of our financial history, ought to the present state of the circulating medium, and the to have known better, and daily experience shows us relief which these banks afford to the commerce and the folly of our financiers on this point. A little longer business of the community. That money is not as safe and our available funds in the Treasury-in other words, nor useful as our interests require. the notes of insolvent banks in our possession--will be It will be perceived, Mr. President, that I do not agree swelled far beyond the amount which has been annually with these memorialists in fact or opinion. Other differreported. We were also promised, that the possession ences than those to which I have alluded might be reof the Government money would enable the selected ferred to-but I should weary the Senate. Time must banks to extend their accommodations, and relieve the decide between us. I have deemed these remarks due pressure on the community, past, present, and anticipa- to them, to myself, to the cause which separates us in ted, from the action of the Bank of the United States. opinion. I yet hope, sir, that we shall meet. They will Although no such pressure was produced by it, yet if it yet find, I think, that they have been drawn into error, were, has the promise been kept? Has the pressure by a generous confidence in those who are not worthy of been relieved? Have the selected banks extended their their trust--that the law has been broken--that a solemn accommodations? Is the money even safe which is in contract has been unnecessarily violated--that the public their possession, unless something be done to arrest the Treasury has been illegally controlled by the Executive progress of the evil? Look at the situation and operations will--that, in pursuit of cherished but mistaken views, of these banks from December to February. Take two the Executive has brought deep calamity on the country-of them as examples of the rest. Within that period, that, instead of sustaining the just principles of our free one diminished its circulation 74,000 dollars, its discounts, institutions, to which they are so earnestly devoted, he &c. 424,000 dollars. Yet in December it had 1,177,000 has acted in disregard of their solemn requirements and dollars, and in February 1,345,000 dollars of the public sanctions. money; and, while it decreased its circulation and its discounts to the extent mentioned, it increased the public deposites more than 150,000 dollars. Another, in the same short period, diminished its circulation 75,000 dollars; its discounts, &c. 199,000, while the deposites remained within less than 1,000 dollars the same. And so it has been with others. While amidst all the assaults upon the Bank of the United States, and all the difficulties which it has had to encounter from Executive vengeance, Mr. SOUTHARD. I cannot answer. I do not know. it has, in proportion to its capital, its circulation, and its Very probably it was some six or seven years ago, during discounts and accommodations, diminished much less. the administration of Mr. Adams, and by myself, as actWhile they were favored with the possession of the pub-ing commissioner. But if it be so, the investment at that lic money, and it was persecuted, they have afforded less time was safe and profitable. The bank itself was then relief to the pressure upon the community than it has safe, and has so continued, affording proper interest until done in proportion to their means and their previous the conduct of the Executive hazarded the safety of all business. They are not to be censured for this--they the local banks. The loss is to be attributed, not to the have probably done all that was in their power-and are investment long since made, if it was so made, but to the probably blameless. But what shall we say of those who recent misfortune of the bank, and to the neglect in not produced this state of things? Who promised relief by removing the fund when danger approached. them, when it should have been foreseen that they could The memorials were then referred, as moved. not possibly afford it? Who have misled the country by such hopes? Shall we attribute it to ignorance, or to a reckless disregard of consequences in the pursuit of personal revenge?

Mr. BENTON. Will the Senator from New Jersey inform us to what fund and what bank he alluded?

Mr. SOUTHARD. To the navy pension fund, and the Bank of the Metropolis, in the stock of which, it is said, that a part of that fund had been invested.

Mr. BENTON. Will the Senator from New Jersey further inform us when, and by whom, the morey was placed there?

PRESIDENT'S PROTEST.

The Senate then resumed the consideration of Mr. FORSYTH'S motion to amend Mr. POINDEXTER's resolutions assigning the reasons why the President's protest should not be received, by reciting the protest itself in the first resolution.

There is another circumstance to which I would direct the attention of the Senate, and, if I could, that of this portion of the people of New Jersey. It is, the immense disparity between the public money in these banks and Mr. CALHOUN having withdrawn his appeal from the specie in their vaults. I take the same banks again the decision of the Chair

as specimens-some others are, I believe, in a different Mr. POINDEXTER submitted a general proposition situation. In December, one of these banks had $1,177,000 in writing, as a point of order, designed to reach this parof our funds, and $380,000 of specie. In February, our ticular case.

funds there had increased to $1,345,000, and the specie The CHAIR (Mr. KING, of Alabama, presiding) said, diminished $109,000-and this in two months. The other that whether he decided for or against the proposition, in December, had $553,907 of public money, and less it would not affect Mr. FoRSYTH's right to propose an than $82,000 of specie. In February, it had $553,096 amendment to either of the resolutions. and $28,612 less of specie. Whether the same process Mr. POINDEXTER said he designed his resolutions as has gone on since, I do not know; but if it have, I ask if one entire motion. The three first resolutions were the our money be safe there?-more safe than in the Bank basis of the fourth; and they stated the reasons for coming of the United States, from which it was taken? Sir, the to the fourth; they all went to but one point, which was, public treasure has been put in jeopardy--is now in dan- that the paper be not received. If the principle were ger, not from the acts of its constitutional guardians, the established, which would be the consequence of receivlegislature, but from the illegal violence of the Execu-ing the motion, it would enable any member to offer any tive. We may lose it. The banks, we see, are break- paper or memorial, however offensive in its terms, and ing all around us. One-half of those in this District have thus by saying, "in the words following," (then insert

APRIL 23, 1834.]

President's Protest.-New Jersey Memorials.

[SENATE.

ing the paper,) impair the dignity of the Senate. All stitutional rights and privileges, we would not receive it. amendments, whether passed or rejected, should leave the original proposition where it stood before they were offered.

Mr. CLAY said the gentleman from Georgia offered the original paper itself as part of his proposition, and then the question arose whether he could so use it, which being decided in the affirmative, the gentleman from South Carolina appealed from the decision of the Chair. That appeal he had since withdrawn, in order that the preliminary question, whether the amendment of the gentleman from Georgia was in order, might come up.

Mr. POINDEXTER then withdrew his written prop

osition.

He was in favor of treating the paper with the utmost respect; and would, at any time, receive from the President any paper which he was ready to send for ultimate action by the Senate. But he declined receiving any protest upon any question which led to no practical results. Mr. FORSYTH said, if he understood the point of the objection, it was, that the effect of his motion would be to place the messages on the Journal, and honorable gentlemen said that it was out of order, because it would defeat the object of the Senate. How could the Senate decide the question of order till they Mr. WEBSTER was afraid there might be some mis- had decided the question which was now raised? The apprehension on the subject, which he was desirous should motion could not go on the Journals till the ayes and be avoided. There were two objections now made-noes were ordered. Honorable gentlemen were in fathe first was, that the motion of the gentleman from vor of using the rules of order for common sense purGeorgia was not in writing. The other was, that a prop- poses, but their mode of using them, was by the maosition being made to exclude the President's message, jority, to defeat the rights of a minority. Here the Senate this motion was made with a design to avoid that exclu- had received a message from the President-it had been sion. He was anxious to get at the main question of read and had been the subject of a three days' discussion, order, whether the motion itself thus to amend, was in and propositions had been made as to the character of the order. paper, and yet honorable gentlemen had not received it. Mr. CHAMBERS thought the true question was, whe. We had got it, and how could we unget it. Mr. F. did not ther a proposition could be made which would defeat the know how you could make the President receive it, if it original proposition. If this could obtain, 47 Senators were your good pleasure to send it back to him again, and might gravely determine that a paper should not be he should deny it. The paper was here and it must be conplaced on the Journal, and the very proceeding in which sidered. Each resolution founded upon it was distinct in this conclusion was endeavoured to be arrived at, indi- itself, and you could make a proposition to alter, amend, or cated that it was attained, in defiance of their will, by negative any or all of them, and the Senate might still the instrumentality of the other 48th Senator alone. It do what they choose with the message, if his amendment could not be; such a paper, from the very nature of the went on the Journal. Gentlemen professed great rebusiness in which the Senate was engaged, must be spect for the President. He must be answered, but the excluded. message must not be spread on the Journal. We had been told that nothing was so baneful in the eyes of power as simple truth, and Mr. F. thought the maxim appliMr. WRIGHT said he felt himself quite unskilled in ed as well to legislative majorities as to executive power. points of order, but the question seemed to him a plain Mr. F. said his object was to incorporate the paper with one. When the communication came from the President, the resolutions, in order that its character might be seen we had the motion which was now embraced in four sep- with reference to the resolutions. He contended that arate forms, that the paper be not received. These res- the motion was perfectly in order until one-fifth of the olutions were an expression upon the character and con- Senators present had decided that the yeas and nays tents of the paper itself, and upon the sentiments and should be taken. As an objection had been made to his principles contained in it; and should we be required to offer of the original paper as his amendment, he now record our votes without recording our reasons also for withdrew that, and sent to the Chair a copy of that pathose votes? How could any man hereafter determine per, and asked the yeas and nays on the question of the correctness of our judgment upon the paper, without having the paper itself? Why should we go on and make an expression of our sentiments, and then say that the paper should not come before us? It must either be considered or not, and was it not proper, and also the right of any Senator to have the paper spread on the Journal along with the judgment, as evidence of the conclusion which was come to? Ought not the Journal to carry along with it the evidence of the vote of every Senator? Mr. CLAY replied, that the President had sent this paper here, for the sole purpose of having it recorded on our Journals. It was not designed for any legislative or ultimate action; and, therefore, the only question was, whether it could be received or not. An amendment was then offered, which went to incorporate in itself every word of the document, and thus to effect the very object which the President wished, which the Senate was debating on, and which they might not decide according to his wishes. Then the question was, whether Mr. SOUTHARD presented the proceedings and resothe motion was or was not in order; and common sense lutions of a meeting held in the city of Trenton, by the decided that it was not. It was possible to vote know-inhabitants of that city and the surrounding country. ingly as to its contents, without its being on the Jour- was large in proportion to the population, and as intellinals. How many bills were put on the Journals in hoc gent as could be collected in any portion of the State. verbu? None. He denied that it was necessary to go They reviewed the conduct of the Executive in relation on the Journal, in order to consider and vote upon it. to the public Treasury, and expressed their condemnation It was already, to a certain extent, in the possession of of it with great decision and clearness. the Senate; and the resolutions ought to be passed, in order to let the President know why, in view of our con

order.

Mr. BLACK then read the views which he took of the question, and came to the result, that a Senator might offer any amendment he chose, but it was competent for the Senate to make what disposition of it they pleased.

Mr. CALHOUN and Mr. BIBB contended that onefifth of the Senate could not be permitted to control the majority, and thus effect an object indirectly, which the majority were opposed to.

The CHAIR then decided that the motion of Mr. FoRSYTH was in order: whereupon

Mr. POINDEXTER appealed from the decision, but before the question was taken, The Senate adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 23.

NEW JERSEY MEMORIALS.

It

He also offered the proceedings of a public meeting in the county of Warren, New Jersey, and a memorial sign

SENATE.]

New Jersey Memorials.

[APRIL 23, 1834.

ed by 805 of its inhabitants. It deserved regard, inas-tration of the laws, in the faithfulness of public agents, much as that county has been uniformly friendly to the and in the currency of the country. Does any Senator present Executive, giving, at all times, a great majority seriously doubt the justice of their opinion?

in his favor. The memorial is not signed by a majority They further express a conviction, that the assumption of the voters-but it is signed by many more, about one of legislative power, by the Executive, is just cause of fourth, he believed, than have, on any occasion, voted in alarm; as uniting the purse and the sword-a combination opposition to General Jackson-thus showing that, where dangerous to liberty; and that the removal of a public ofhe has been most strong, there are now some to be found ficer, because he would not submit to unlawful dictation, who will not sustain him in the career which he is running. was an unjustifiable act; and they believe that there can They believe that he has acted unwisely and injuriously be no certain relief but by restoring confidence, and by to the public interests, and are willing to forego their per- confining every department of the Government to its ap sonal preferences and maintain the majesty of the laws. propriate sphere. Is not this opinion well founded? Mr. S. had another memorial, of a different character-| The persons who composed this convention came from one which might be regarded, not as local, but general. almost every part of the State; have the amplest means of He had heretofore presented memorials and proceedings knowing popular opinion, and no possible motive for misin towns and counties-from all the counties in West Jer-representation; and they assure us that a large majority of sey below Trenton. The one which he had just offered the people of New Jersey strongly condemn the conduct from Warren, came from the upper part of the State; and of the Executive, and reprobate the instructions given by he had now to ask attention to the proceedings of a meet- the legislature. I cannot doubt the correctness of their ing held in Trenton, by delegates appointed in the sever- declaration on this point. al counties-from all in the State, he believed, but two or three-and as the members of the Senate who took the trouble to read certain prints, had seen this meeting described in terms which he could not consent to repeat, he begged to assure them of the entire malignity and falsehood of those representations.

They were not all of one party; not all of those who have heretofore opposed General Jackson's elevation to office. The presiding officer of the convention is an eminent and praiseworthy instance of that honesty of purpose and devotion to country, which withdraw support from a favorite candidate when he deserts his proIt had been the fortune of his colleague and himself, fessed principles, and disregards the obligation of duty. whenever they were favored with memorials or resolu- He had, as an elector, voted for General Jackson, but he tions from their constituents, almost uniformly to be met is prompt to aid in correcting his errors, and frank in exin advance by base misrepresentations of the character, posing the dangers which result from his misconduct. and conduct, and numbers, of those from whom they The convention felt that this was no ordinary occasion, were received. It was, he presumed, a part of the tac- and they appointed a large committee to bring their protics of the friends of the administration to endeavor to ceedings to this place, and they now attend in this Hall, weaken the force of representations which might come to witness their presentation to the Senate. Shall it be from the State, by casting odium on those who made of no avail? Will a deaf ear be still turned to the comthem. It was but a part of that intolerant and proscrip- plaints and sufferings of the people whom they represent? tive system which has been introduced and exercised Permit me to assure the Senate that the sentiments of the with so much force and power, for a few years past, in people of New Jersey are no longer doubtful. They will relation to all who have been dismissed from office, to not patiently bear unmerited inflictions. They will not make room for hungry expectants, and to all who had in- suffer for the sake of an experiment. They will not redependence enough to question the infallibility of power.gard with favor those who spurn the obligations of law, The same trick had been attempted in the present in-and hazard the safety of our institutions. They will come stance, and remarks made respecting the convention in up to the aid of those who struggle against assumptions Trenton, which no honest man who knows the individu- of unlicensed authority. They love the prosperity of als who composed it, can countenance. their country and sacredness of her laws, far beyond the claims of party or individual partialities.

Mr. S. moved the usual orders on the several memorials and proceedings.

The time for this convention was unluckily chosen, on account of the roads, weather, and employments of the people in the State. It was on the 2d of April. The roads and weather were bad. A few days delay would have Mr. CLAY rose and said: Honored by the request of greatly augmented the numbers: there were, however, the highly respectable and numerous committee, now atupwards of two hundred delegates; and I do not hesi tending in this city, and representing the people of New tate to declare, that there has never assembled in that Jersey, in convention assembled, I rise to add a few obserState, a meeting of any equal number, of higher respect-vations to what has been so well said by their immediate ability of character, of more intelligence, or of greater organ. The proceedings just presented to the Senate personal worth. There were many in that convention emi- emanate from an unquestionably legitimate source-the nently qualified to discharge the duties of public officers, people themselves, acting in their primary and original and to represent their constituents. They were men, too, character. They have a right to instruct, direct, and conwho would not have left their homes and subjected them-trol their servants, subject to very few exceptions. They selves to the inconvenience of attending the convention have this right, because the people, or a majority of the for light or trivial causes. They felt deeply the importance of the occasion.

They were perfectly capable of comprehending the situation of the country-its necessities and its wants. They represent to us a prevailing distress in business, and depression of all the interests of the community? Will not the Senate give credit to their representation?

people, in the several States, have the power to alter, abolish, and modify, the structure of their Government; and, as the major includes the minor, they necessarily possess the right to direct the operations of that machine whose form and existence depend upon their will, and has been constructed for their benefit.

The right of legislative bodies to instruct is not inheThey could understand thoroughly the cause of the rent; but, if it exist at all, is derivative. They are but present embarrassments; and they attribute it to the con- servants of the people, highly respectable; and an exduct of the Executive, in assuming legislative powers, and pression of their opinion deserves great attention and deunlawfully interfering with the public Treasury, and re- liberate consideration. But this results not from their moving the public money from the place where it was de-possessing any original right in themselves, independent posited, under the authority of the law. This misconduct of the people. It flows from the presumptive evidence created insecurity and want of confidence in the adminis- which a declaration of their sentiments affords, of theirs

а

APRIL 23, 1834.]

New Jersey Memorials.

[SENATE.

being the sentiments of the people whom they repre- tled to and command more respect, if he would only, by sent. Standing by itself, and alone, such a declaration is strong proof of its being a true representation and fair reflection of the popular will. But it is only evidence. Suppose it is contradicted by other and conclusive testimony, issuing directly from the people-which is to be obeyed, the will of the legislature or the will of the people?

his example, conform to them. How has he treated the petitions and remonstrances of the people? How their earnest and anxious supplications to save them from ruin? Has he displayed a readiness to obey the wishes and desires of the people? Has he not promulgated to the world, through committees that have waited upon him, that neither the legislatures of the States, nor the people themselves, shall divert him from his mad experiment, now threatening us with general bankruptcy? He has cut himself loose, totally absolved himself from all obligation to shape his measures according to public opinion, and comes to the Senate to inculcate upon us the duty of complying with instructions from legislative bodies which happen to be laudatory of his measures-instructions possibly manufactured and got up in this very city, to be transmitted to market, in order to be brought back again in the imposing form of authoritative commands.

Now, it so happens that, along with the instructions of the legislature of New Jersey to their Senators, to sustain the late executive measures, there came or has followed abundant proof, from the people themselves, that those instructions were not in conformity to their wishes; and the people of that State, in convention assembled, have solemnly declared that the legislature did not truly ex press their will. Which, then, were the Senators from New Jersey to obey-the people, or their servants, the members of the local legislature? Suppose they had conformed to the legislative will, in opposition to the popular The convention of the people of New Jersey, comwill? or suppose, obeying neither, they had resigned posed of upwards of 200 members, from every county in their seats and gone home, what would their constituents the State except two, which were not represented, from have said? Would they not have presented a ridiculous a misapprehension of the time of the meeting of the conspectacle? What could they have said to the inquiry, Why vention, express the deliberate opinion that the existing have you come home when we instructed you to pursue distress is attributable to the Executive measures and a particular course? Would it have been any defence for them to say, We come back, because, not choosing to obey you, the people, we did not think proper to comply with the legislative mandate?

their necessary consequences. New Jersey might be properly called the State of beautiful villages. They are now all, with more or less intensity, sharing the pervading distress so unwisely and unnecessarily brought upon The President, in his late extraordinary protest, has set our country. In the lately flourishing and enterprising forth, at large, the instructions given by the several legis. town of Paterson, I understand that, of twenty manulatures of Maine, New Jersey, and Ohio, to their respec- factories, only two are in operation; and that stout, abletive Senators. At another time, I shall inquire by what bodied men, willing and anxious by their labor to earn right the President comes into this Senate and examines an honest subsistence, have been driven upon the eleehow, upon what considerations, and under what circum-mosynary support which is to be obtained in poorstances, particular members of this body vote in a par- houses. ticular way on questions pending before it. He asserts,

The convention denounce the scheme of a metallic ciror plainly means, by his statement of the case, to imply, culation, as wild, visionary, and impracticable. It is not that these Senators, in voting against his measures, vio- more visionary than it is deceptive. It has been an afterlated their duty and their obligations. A just rule must thought altogether. Neither in the celebrated paper work both ways. Has the President ascertained how read to the cabinet by the President, nor in the report of many members of this or the other House, in voting to the Secretary of the Treasury of his reasons for the resustain his measures, have failed truly to represent their moval of the deposites, was such a project hinted at. constituents? Would he rebuke any members who lent They promised a better currency, but it was one to be themselves to his support, contrary to the wishes of their furnished by local banks. Such is the real scheme now constituents? Let me suppose that there was a sufficient in contemplation. But to deceive the people, this nonumber of members voting with him on the deposite tion of a metallic currency is put forth; and what has question, in opposition to the known sentiments of their been the necessary consequences? The people have beconstituents, to have produced such a decision as has been come distrustful of all bank notes. Seeing those who pronounced in the other House, would he chide them? speak the Executive sentiments decrying all bank notes, If a Speaker of that House, in direct contradiction to the they have lost the confidence of the people. Not knowascertained sense of his constituents, were to vote to up-ing how soon they are to be put down, the holders of hold the Executive proceeding, would the President say to him, Mr. Speaker, you are wrong in sustaining me in opposition to your constituents?

them have hastened to exchange them for the medium which they have supposed is shortly to become the only medium, and to hoard it. This has occasioned runs upon Whether Senators have or have not conformed to the the banks; and these runs have exploded some and sentiments of their constituents, is a question between threatened others. This has produced a panic; and those themselves and those they represent, in which there ex-are answerable for it who ought to know how impossible ists no right of any foreign intervention. I have no it is, in the present state of credit and of the commercial doubt that my friends from New Jersey have truly ex- world, to discontinue the use of a convertible paper, and pressed the sentiments of that patriotic State, among yet have idly proposed a plan of an exclusive specie cirthe first of the Whig States of the Revolution, and which culation.

is not going to be among the last of the Whig States in Mr. President, the drama is hastening to its denouethe present critical and perilous state of our public afment, and a new scene has opened in the Executive profairs. Whether the Senator from Maine has or has not test. Our difficulties are thickening and increasing upon expressed the views of his State, may be inferred from us; but I rejoice that the spirit of the country is also the recent manifestations of the opinions of the people of rising, and that of the Senate is strong, elastic, and unaPortland, the first city in it; and of Bangor the second, bated. I have understood that, in a conversation with the and the seat of the Government of Maine. As to my late King of Spain, the Count de Survilliers, the Presifriend from Ohio, the neighboring State to that in which dent stated to the brother of Napoleon, that he had made I reside, my word upon it, that it will be demonstrated the Emperor of France his model. There is one incihereafter in due time, that he has truly represented the dent in the life of the illustrious chief of the French emwishes of the people of Ohio. pire, that I hope the President does not mean to attempt to imitate: I trust that our First Consul has no design to

But, sir, the precepts of the President would be enti

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