conduct, and to a persuasion, no doubt, that, although they were prisoners in England, Englishmen were nevertheless their friends.

Another important object, which has for some time engaged the attention of the Society, is the education of adults; a vast number of persons in this country advanced to years of maturity and old age, are entirely ignorant of the first rudiments of knowledge. Schools for this unlettered class of society are established both in England and Wales, conducted by persons of mature age with the most gratifying success.

After this brief exposition of the proceedings and moral effects of this inestimable Society, little need be said to enforce its pretensions to the patronage and support of enlightened and benevolent Christians. So many claims have indeed been laid on the public, by the numerous and excellent societies which have recently sprung up, and particularly by those which have the education of the poor for their object, that it is feared the interests of the Sunday School Society may be in danger of becoming impaired. Such a result cannot be too seriously deprecated. This Society provides so effectually for educating those whose time is bespoken in the days of labour, by the calls of their necessary occupations, and also for recovering them from vagrancy, disorder, and irreligion on the Sabbath day, and training them up to a due observance of that holy appointment; that it must ever be regarded as an institution connected most nearly and vitally with the vigour, the improvement, and the stability of the* country.

Without asserting its claims to preference above any existing institution, the Sunday School Society may yet be allowed to challenge the praise of having not a little contributed to the prosperity and usefulness of many. It was the pioneer which cleared the way when it was obstructed by ignorance and prejudice; and many societies have profited by that effect of its exertions, which prepared the public mind for giving them a welcome reception.

The number of books already issued by the Society are 386,460 Spelling-books, 79,363 Testaments, and 8,139 Bibles, for the use of 4,247 schools containing upwards of 350,000 children.

At present, the demands for its aid exceed any thing which has yet been experienced. Its operations are going forward to a great part of the British dominions; and there is reason to believe that, if suitably supported, it will penetrate into those

parts which remain unenlightened, and supply the poor.generally with the means of understanding and appreciating those Scriptures, which, through the blessing of God, may make thein wise unto salvation.

SOCIETY FOR BETTERING THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AT

LIVERPOOL.

Charity, according to the vulgar acceptation of the term, most commonly does more harm than good. We mean that undistinguishing bounty, which is rather calculated to hold out premiums to idleness and vice, than protect and support suffering merit. The most worthless are generally the most importunate; and it is easier to get rid of their troublesome solicitations by giving money, than by inquiring into the real state of the case. Charity, properly so called, consists in the appropriation of a portion of our time to the investigation of cases of distress. For want of the careful oversight of disinterested individuals, our poor-rates are increasing to an alarming extent, and along with it the very evil which it was intended to prevent.

The task of inspection at first sight appears so arduous, that to set about it upon a large scale requires no common share of philanthropic energy and firmness of mind. But those benevolent characters, who in the first place have the courage to undertake, and the steadiness to pursue it, while they deserve well of their country and of mankind at large, are scarcely themselves aware of the extent of the benefit they are conferring on their species. By proving the practicability of the plan, they will encourage others. As examples multiply, the cause will be strengthened; and we may look forward to some comprehensive and general plan, by which all the good feeling existing among persons of every denomination may be combined, and made to act in one focus, for diminishing the crime and misery so prevalent in the poorer classes. Could this be happily effected (and we confidently believe that it may), the quota of exertion to be required from each individual would be comparatively trifling, while the good to be effected would be prodigious and permanent. These individuals, by wisely attacking the root of the evil, instead of wasting their breath in noisy declamations about reform, would show themselves real patriots. Reform where it is wanted will be sure to follow, when the mass of the people are moral and virtuous; but without morals and virtue no reform can be lasting.

These reflections have been suggested by reading the Second Report of the Society for bettering the Condition of the Poor at Liverpool; and it is impossible to read it without feeling the warmest wishes for the success of their enlightened exertions:

they have made the experiment of a plan of investigation, and the result is just what we should have expected. We shall insert their own account of it.

"By a reference to the Report of the expenditure of the subscription entered into in the month of December 1811 (the management of which was intrusted to your Committee), the following comparative view of the number of poor who received relief at that time, and in the winter of 1808-9, will be found: "In the winter of 1808-9, 6,413 families, consisting of 23,094 persons, applied for and obtained assistance: this last winter the numbers were 4,412 families, consisting of 15,985 persons. If we may presume that the distress of the latter ' period was equal to that of the former (and there seems no reason to doubt it), the inference is plain, that 7000 persons have been prevented by the prudent precautions of the Society from abusing a fund which was raised for the relief of real distress. It is not intended to be asserted that there have been no impositions practised, but only that they have been much 'fewer in number, and more liable to detection in consequence of the system of inquiry, which formed an essential part of the Society's plan.'

"Your Committee have been very anxious to make this system of inquiry permanent, but they have hitherto been unsuccessful in their endeavours to that effect. This want of success has principally arisen from the almost insurmountable difficulty of finding proper persons to fill the situation of Visitors. In some of the most populous districts of the town, whole streets are entirely occupied by the poor themselves, where there is no possibility of selecting a single individual fit to undertake the office; and as the knowledge which the Committee are anxious to obtain is of that nature which requires constant and personal observation, this circumstance has formed a barrier against the attempt, which they have not yet been able to overcome. It must, however, be remarked, that their time has been so much occupied with the other objects of the Institution, that it has prevented their paying to this that close attention which is so necessary in overcoming difficulties; though they are not without hopes that some expedient may yet he devised which may remove the abstacles they have hitherto had to contend with, and may enable them to carry into effect, to a useful, if not to a complete degree, this desirable object of the Society."

It will be melancholy indeed, if in such a place as Liverpool the scheme should fail for want of active co-operation.

The second object of the Society has always been regarded by usas one of vast consequence: it consists in providing a safe deposit

for the small earnings of the labouring poor. On this head the Society thus expresses itself:

"It is almost unnecessary to point out the great advantages and extreme usefulness of Benefit Clubs, under a judicious system of management: they are the best means which have yet been de vised of enabling the industrious poor to provide for their own sup port in sickness and old age, and of thus rescuing them from that dependence on others which must be so painful to every manly mind: they countenance and support a spirit of independence, and induce better habits of industry and frugality than are usually found among the labouring classes of society.

"They would also earnestly call upon the rich and the liberal to encourage these societies, by becoming honorary members: by so doing they will give considerable aid to their funds, they will make their success more certain, they will give the additional weight of example to precept, and thus render the community an essential service.

"Your Committee have also established a fund for the purpose of affording to the poor an easy and safe method of laying up their occasional savings.

"This they consider as a measure of the utmost utility and importance. Numerous are the instances within the knowledge of your Committee, in which the hard-earned savings of the industrious poor have been lost by the failure of those persons in whose hands they have been deposited; and the unfortunate owner, who had anticipated the enjoyment of a comfortable independence in those days when his strength should fail him, an independence doubly valuable as having been acquired by his own exertions, has unexpectedly found himself exposed to the miseries of undeserved poverty, and robbed of his little all at a time when the creeping infirmities of age had more sensibly taught him to estimate its value. As it is impossible for a benevolent mind to contemplate such situations without compassion, so must it be its anxious wish to devise some method of preventing an evil so melancholy in its consequences; and your Committee trust that the establishment of the Mechanics', Servants', and Labourers' Fund will prove the best means of attaining so desirable an object."

We regret that our limits prevent us from dwelling more par ticularly upon this Report; but we trust that in the course of the progress of the Society's labours we shall have occasion to advert to them again, and to hold up the success of their plans as an encouragement to others to go and do likewise.

To the EDITOR of THE PHILANTHROPIST.

SIR, I herewith send you a small printed paper, containing the principal part of the late Act of Parliament against the dreadful offence of Child Stealing. By inserting a copy of it in your next number you will much oblige me.

London, 8th Sept. 1814.

B. M. F.

CHILD-STEALING.

In the year 1808, Mr. Alderman Combe brought a Bill into the House of Commons, to prevent CHILD-STEALING, which passed that House, but, from some accidental cause, did not pass the House of Lords. At the time the distressing event happened of the loss of Thomas Dellow (aged three years), who was stolen from London in November 1811, and discovered at Gosport, the want of a law, by which persons guilty of CHILD-STEALING could be indicted in a direct mannner was noticed; and, with a view to the passing an act for that purpose, several cases of this offence were printed, and distributed to Members of Parliament and others: and on the 17th of May last Mr. William Smith (member for Norwich) brought in a Bill against the crime; which Bill, with some amendments, was finally passed on the 18th of July 1814.

Substance of "An Act for the more effectual Prevention of Child-stealing."

The first clause enacts, "That if any person or persons, from and after the passing of this act, shall maliciously, either by force or fraud, lead, take, or carry away, or decoy, or entice away any child under the age of ten years, with intent to deprive its parent or parents, or any other person having the lawful care or charge of such child, of the possession of such child, by concealing and detaining such child from such parent or parents, or other person or persons having the lawful care or charge of it; or with intent to steal any article of apparel, or ornament, or other thing of value or use upon or about the person of such child, to whomsoever such article may belong; or shall receive and harbour with any such intent as aforesaid any such child, knowing the same to have been so by force or fraud led, taken, or carried, or decoyed or enticed away as aforesaid; every such person or persons, and his, her, and their counsellors, procurers, aiders, and abettors, shall be deemed guilty of felony, and shall be subject and liable to all such pains, penalties, punishments, and forfeitures as by the laws now in force may be inflicted upon, or are incurred by, persons convicted of grand larceny."

The second clause enacts, "That nothing in this act shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any person who shall have claimed to be the father of an illegitimate child, or to have any right or title in law to the possession of such child, on account of his getting possession of such child, or taking such child out of the possession of the mother thereof, or other person or persons having the lawful charge thereof."

The third clause enacts, "That this act shall not extend, or be construed to extend, to that part of Great Britain called Scotland."

By the second clause, it is not to be understood that the father has any new powers given him by this act, or that the mother has any powers taken from her which she had before the passing of it.

The reason why this act does not extend to Scotland, is, that it should not interfere with the existing laws of that country.