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This angel with his words wise
Opposeth them in sundry wise;
Now loud words and now soft,
That made them to disputen oft;
And each his reason had,
And thus with tales he them led,
With good examination,
Till he knew the condition,
What men they were both two;
And saw well at last tho,
That one of them was covetous,
And his fellow was envious.
And thus when he hath knowledging,
Anon he feigned departing,
And said he mote algate wend;

But hearken now what fell at end!
For then he made them understond,
That he was there of God's sond,
And said them for the kindship,
He would do them some grace again,
And bade that one of them should sain
What thing is him levest to crave,
And he it shall of gift have.
And over that ke forth with all
He saith, that other have shall
The double of that his fellow axeth;
And thus to them his grace he taxeth.

The Covetous was wonder glad;
And to that other man he bade,
And saith, that he first ax should;
For he supposeth that he would
Make his axing of world's good;
For then he knew well how it stood;
If that himsell by double weight
Shall after take, and thus by sleight
Because that he would win,
He bade his fellow first begin.
This Envious, though it be late,
When that he saw he mote, algate,
Make his axing first, he thought,
If he his worship and profit sought
It shall be double to his fere,
That he would chuse in no manner.
But then he showeth what he was
Toward envy, and in this case,
Unto this angel thus he said,
And for his gift thus he prayed,
To make him blind on his one ce,
So that his fellow nothing see.

This word was not so soon spoke,
Than his one ee anon was loke:
And his fellow forthwith also
Was blind on both his eyes two.
Tho was that other glad enough:
That one wept, and that other lough.
He set his one ee at no cost,
Whereof that other two hath lost.

John Gower.-About 1390.

32.-APOSTROPHE TO FREEDOM. A! fredome is a nobill thing! Fredome mayse man to haiff liking!

Fredome all solace to man giffis :

He levys at ese that frely levys!
A noble hart may haiff nane ese,
Na ellys nocht that may him plese,
Gyff fredome failythe: for fre liking
Is yearnyt our all othir thing
Na he, that ay hase levyt fre,
May nocht knaw weill the propyrte,
The angyr, na the wrechyt dome,
That is cowplyt to foule thyrldome.
Bot gyff he had assayit it,
Than all perquer he suld it wyt;
And suld think fredome mar to pryse
Than all the gold in warld that is.

John Barbour.-About 1390.

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34.-DEATH OF SIR HENRY DE BOHUN.
And when the king wist that they were
In hale battle, comand sae near,
His battle gart he weel array.
He rade upon a little palfrey,
Lawcht and joly arrayand
His battle, with an ax in hand.
And on his bassinet he bare
An hat of tyre aboon ay where ;
And, thereupon, into takin,

Ane high crown, that he was king.
And when Gloster and Hereford were
With their battle approachand near,
Before them all there came ridand,
With helm on heid and spear in hand,
Sir Henry the Boon, the worthy,
That was a wicht knicht, and a hardy,
And to the Earl of Hereford cousin ;
Armed in arms gude and fine;

Came on a steed a bowshot near,
Before all other that there were:
And knew the king, for that he saw
Him sae range his men on raw,
And by the crown that was set
Also upon his bassinet.

And toward him he went in hy.
And the king sae apertly

Saw him come, forouth all his fears,
In hy till him the horse he steers.
And when Sir Henry saw the king
Come on, foroutin abasing,
Till him he rode in great hy.

He thought that he should weel lichtly
Win him, and have him at his will,
Sin' he him horsit saw sae ill.
Sprent they samen intill a lyng;
Sir Henry missed the noble king;
And he that in his stirrups stude,
With the ax, that was hard and gude,
With sae great main, raucht him a dint,
That nouther hat nor helm micht stint
The heavy dush, that he him gave,
That near the head till the harns clave.
The hand-ax shaft frushit in tway;
And he down to the yird gan gae
All flatlings, for him failit micht.
This was the first straik of the ficht,
That was performit douchtily.
And when the king's men sae stoutly
Saw him, richt at the first meeting,
Forouten doubt or abasing,
Have slain a knicht sae at a straik,
Sic hard' ment thereat gan they tak,
That they come on richt hardily.
When Englishmen saw them sae stoutly
Come on, they had great abasing;
And specially for that the king

Sae smartly that gude knicht has slain,
That they withdrew them everilk ane,
And durst not ane abide to ficht:
Sae dreid they for the king's micht.
When that the king repairit was,

That gart his men all leave the chase,
The lordis of his company
Blamed him, as they durst, greatumly,
That he him put in aventure,

To meet sae stith a knicht, and stour,
In sic point as he then was seen.
For they said weel, it micht have been
Cause of their tynsal everilk ane.
The king answer has made them nane,
But mainit his hand-ax shaft sae
Was with the straik broken in tway.

John Barbour.-About 1390.

35.-THE BATTLE OF BYLAND'S PATH.
Thus were they fechtand in the pass,
And when the king Robert, that was
Wiss in his deid, and anerly,
Saw his men sae right doughtily
The path upon their fayis ta';
And saw his fayis defend them sae;
Then gart he all the Irishry
That were intill his company,
Of Argyle and the Isles alsua,
Speed them in great hy to the brae.
And bade them leave the path haly
And climb up in the crags hy;
And speed them fast the height to ta':
Then might men see them stoutly gae,
And climb all gate up the height,
And leave not for their fayis might.
Maugre their fayis, they bare them sae
That they are gotten abune the brae.
Then might men see them fight felly;
And rusche their fayis sturdily.
And they that till the pass were gane,
Maugre their fayis, the height has tane;
Then laid they on with all their might;
There might men see them felly fight.

John Barbour.-About 1390.

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JARTON, with great beauty and justice, compares the appearance of Chaucer in our returns, and the buds and blossoms, which have been called forth by a transient sunshine, are nipped by frosts and scattered by storms. The causes of the relapse of our poetry, after Chaucer, seem but too apparent in the annals of English history, which during five reigns of the fifteenth century continue to display but a tissue of conspiracies, proscriptions, and bloodshed. Inferior even to France in literary progress, England displays in the fifteenth century a still more mortifying contrast with Italy. Italy, too, had her religious schisms and public distractions; but her arts and literature had always a sheltering-place. They were even cherished by the rivalship of independent communities, and received encouragement from the opposite sources of commercial and ecclesiastical wealth. But we had no Nicholas the Fifth, nor house of Medicis. In England, the evils of civil war agitated society as one mass. There was no refuge from them-no inclosure to fence in the field of improvement-no mound to stem the torrent of public troubles. Before the death of Henry VI., it is said that one half of the nobility and gentry in the kingdom had perished in the field, or on the scaffold. Whilst in England the public spirit was thus brutalized, whilst the value and security of life were abridged, whilst the wealth of the rich was employed only in war, and the chance of patronage taken from the scholar; in Italy, princes and magistrates vied with each other in calling men of genius around them, as the brightest ornaments of their states and courts. The art of printing came to Italy to record the treasures of its literary attainments; but when it came to England, with a very few exceptions, it could not be said, for the purpose of diffusing native literature, to be a necessary art. A circumstance, additionally hostile to the national genius, may certainly be traced in the executions for religion, which sprang up as a horrible novelty in our country in the fifteenth century. The clergy were determined to indemnify themselves for the exposures which they had met with in the preceding age, and the unhallowed compromise which Henry IV. made with them, in return for supporting his accession, armed them, in an evil hour, with the torch of persecution. In one point of improvement, namely, in the boldness of religious inquiry, the North of Europe might already boast of being superior to the South, with all its learning, wealth, and elegant acquirements. The Scriptures had been opened by Wickliffe, but they were again to become "a fountain sealed, and a spring shut up." Amidst the progress of letters in Italy, the fine arts threw enchantment around superstition; and the warm imagination of the South was congenial to the nature of Catholic institutions. But the English mind had already shown, even amidst its comparative barbarism, a stern independent spirit of religion; and from this single proud and elevated point of its character, it was now to be crushed and beaten down. Sometimes a baffled struggle against oppression is more depressing to the human faculties than continued submission.

Our natural hatred of tyranny, and we may safely add, the general test of history and experience, would dispose us to believe religious persecution to be necessarily and essentially baneful to the elegant arts, no less than to the intellectual pursuits of mankind. It is natural to think, that when punishments are let loose upon men's opinions, they will spread a contagious alarm from the understanding to the imagination. They will make the heart grow close and insensible to generous feelings, where it is unaccustomed to express them freely; and the graces and gaiety of fancy will be dejected and appalled. In an age of persecution, even the living study of his own species must be comparatively darkened to the poet. He looks round on the characters and countenances of his fellow-creatures; and instead of the naturally cheerful and eccentric variety of their humours, he reads only a sullen and oppressed uniformity. To the spirit of poetry we should conceive such a period to be an impassable Avernus, where she would drop her wings and expire. Undoubtedly this inference will be

found warranted by a general survey of the history of Genius. It is, at the same time, impossible to deny, that wit and, poetry have in some instances flourished coeval with ferocious bigotry, on the same spot, and under the same government. The literary glory of Spain was posterior to the establishment of the Inquisition. neighbourhood, though he declared that he could have made his writings still more enterThe fancy of Cervantes sported in its taining if he had not dreaded the Holy Office. But the growth of Spanish genius, in spite of the co-existence of religious tyranny, was fostered by uncommon and glorious advantages in the circumstances of the nation. Spain (for we are comparing Spain in the sixteenth with England in the fifteenth century) was, at the period alluded to, great and proud in an empire on which it was boasted that the sun never set. wealth of America for a while animated all her arts. Robertson says that the Spaniards disHer language was widely diffused. The covered at that time an extent of political knowledge which the English themselves did not attain for more than a century afterwards. Religious persecutions began in England at a time when she was comparatively poor and barbarous, yet after she had been awakened to so much intelligence on the subject of religion as to make one half of the people indignantly impatient of priestly tyranny. If we add to the political troubles of the age, the circumstances of religious opinions being silenced and stifled by penal horrors, it will seem more wonderful that the spark of literature was kept alive, than that it did not spread more widely. Yet the fifteenth century had its redeeming traits of refinement, the more wonderful for appearing in the midst of such unfavourable circumstances. It had a Fortescue, although he wandered in exile, unprotected by the constitution which he explained and extolled in his writings. It had a noble patron and lover of letters in Tiptoft, although he died by the hands of the executioner. It witnessed the founding of many colleges in both of the universities, although they were still the haunts of scholastic quibbling; and it produced, in the venerable Pecock, one conscientious dignitary of the church, who wished to have converted the Protestants by appeals to reason, though for so doing he had his books, and, if he had not recanted in good time, would have had his body also, committed to the flames. To these causes may be ascribed the backwardness of our poetry between the dates of Chaucer and Spenser. I speak of the chasm extending to, or nearly to, Spenser; for, without undervaluing the elegant talents of Lord Surrey, I think we cannot consider the national genius as completely emancipated from oppressive circumstances, till the time of Elizabeth. There was indeed a commencement of our poetry under Henry VIII. It was a fine, but a feeble one. English genius seems then to have come forth, but half assured that her day of emancipation was at hand. There is something melancholy even in Lord Surrey's strains of gallantry. The succession of Henry VIII. gave stability to the government, and some degree of magnificence to the state of society. But tyranny was not yet at an end; and to judge, not by the gross buffoons, but by the few minds entitled to be called poetical, which appear in the earlier part of the sixteenth century, we may say that the English Muse had still a diffident aspect and a faltering tone.

*

The Scottish poets of the fifteenth, and of a part of the sixteenth century, would also justly demand a place in any history of our poetry that meant to be copious and minute; as the northern 66 makers," notwithstanding the difference of dialect, generally denominate their language "Inglis." Scotland produced an entire poetical version of the Eneid, before Lord Surrey had translated a single book of it; indeed, before there was an English version of any classic, excepting Boëthius, if he can be called a classic. English language through a romance of the Siege of Troy, published by Caxton, which, as Virgil was only known in the Bishop Douglas observes, in the prologue to his Scottish Eneid, is no more like Virgil than the devil is like St. Austin. Perhaps the resemblance may not even be so great. But the Scottish poets, after all that has been said of them, form nothing like a brilliant revival of poetry. They are on the whole superior, indeed, in spirit and originality to their English contemporaries, which is not saying much; but their style is, for the most part, cast, if possible, in a worst taste. The prevailing fault of English diction, in the fifteenth century, is redundant ornament, and an affectation of Anglicising Latin words. In this pedantry and use of "aureate terms," the Scottish versifiers went even beyond their brethren of the south. Some exceptions to the remark, I am aware, may be found in Dunbar, who sometimes exhibits simplicity and lyrical terseness; but even his style has frequent deformities of quaintness, false ornament, and alliteration. The rest of them, when they meant to be most eloquent, tore up words from the Latin, which never took root in the language, like children making a mock garden with flowers and branches stuck in the ground, which speedily wither.-Campbell's Essay on English Poetry.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.

JOHN LYDGATE.

John Lydgate, who flourished about the year 1430, was an Augustine monk of St. Edmund's Bury. "His muse," says Warton, "was of universal access, and he was not only the poet of the monastery, but of the world in general. If a disguising was intended by the company of Goldsmiths, a mask before His Majesty at Eltham, a May-game for the sheriffs and aldermen of London, a mumming before the Lord Mayor, a procession of pageants from the creation for the festival of Corpus Christi, or a card for the coronation, Lydgate was consulted and gave the poetry." He travelled in France and Italy. He kept a school for pupils of the higher classes in versification. He wrote, according to Ritson, in his " Bibliographica Poetica,' no fewer than 251 works. He was a good mathematician and also an accomplished scholar. Born 1375, died 1461.

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ANDREW WYNTOUN.

Andrew Wyntoun lived in the early part of the 15th century. He was a priest of St. Serf's monastery in Lochleven. He wrote a chronicle of his country in rhyme. It is "valuable as a picture of ancient manners, as a repository of historical anecdotes, and as a specimen of the literary attainments of our ancestors. It contains a considerable number of fabulous legends, such as we may suppose to have been told beside the parlour fire of a monastery of those days."-Chambers's Cyclopædia of English Literature, vol. i. p. 28.

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JAMES I.

James I., King of Scotland, the son of Robert III., was taken by the English on his passage to France, and kept in confinement eighteen years. In 1423 he obtained his liberty on Marrying Joanna Beaufort, daughter of the Earl of Somerset, with whom he had fallen in love from seeing her walking in the royal gardens at Windsor while he was a prisoner there, and who is believed to be the lady alluded to in James's pleasing poem of the 'King's Quhair." On his return to Scotland he severely punished his uncle, the Duke of Albany, and others, who had misgoverned the country in his absence, in consequence of which a conspiracy was formed, and he was murdered in his private apartments in 1437. James I. was a most accomplished gentleman, and a poet of no little merit. He invented a sort of plaintive melody, which was greatly admired and imitated in Italy, in which country he was, in consequence, long remembered with respect. He was one of the most skilful harpers of his time, and excelled all competitors in the use of that instrument. Three compositions of his have come down to us, "Christ's Kirk on

BLIND HARRY.

Blind Harry, or Henry the Minstrel, lived about the close of the 15th century. He sang the adventures of Wallace, and the poem, in eleven books, is full of animated descriptions of battle and heroic deeds. William Hamilton of Gibertfield paraphrased it into modern Scotch. In its new dress it has been exceedingly popular among the peasantry, and tended greatly to kindle the genius of Burns.

ROBERT HENRYSONE.

He

Little is known of this poet's history. He was a schoolmaster at Dunfermline, and a monk of the Benedictine order. wrote a number of poems, the chief of which are "The Testament of Cresseide," being a sequel to Chaucer's Troilus and Cresseide "6 Fabils," thirteen in number. His best fable is the "Vpoulands Mouse and the Burgesse Mouse;" but his most exquisite production is "Robene and Makyne," which is probably the earliest specimen of pastoral poetry in the Scottish language. Dr. David Irving, in his "Lives of the Scottish Poets," thus speaks of him :-"The various works of

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