CHAPTER VIII.

CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE.

Jefferson elected again to France-Jefferson's letters on French Revolution-Permission to return-Jay's letter on Federal Government— De la Luzerne is succeeded by De Moustier-Morris succeeds Jefferson and Ternun de Moustier-Washington's illness-French Revolution embarrassing to Government-Perplexing question whether a Minister should be received from the French Republic—M. Genet— Death of the King-Excellent remark of Morris-Less enthusiasm for the Revolution-Proclamation on neutrality-Remarks on that subject-Very difficult negotiation with Genet-His demands examined-Monroe goes to France-Government solicit the recall of Genet-His unsuitable language—Dismissed—Is succeeded by Fauchet-More temperate-Adet succeeds Fauchet-Outrage on Fauchet-France extremely dissatisfied with state of things—Monroe opposed to administration—Want of instructions-Jay's treaty— Pinckney succeeds Monroe-Not received by the Directory—Ordered to leave France-Extraordinary proceeding-Pinckney, Marshall and Gerry appointed-Not received, though cards of hospitality sent them-Instructions--W. Y. Z.-Talleyrand proposes to treat with one Commissioner only-Rejected-Pinckney and Marshall leave France-Talleyrand's account of negotiation-Gerry remains— Origin of parties—Hostilities—Talleyrand brings on, by means of Pichon, another negotiation-Ellsworth, Murray and Davie appointed to France-Properly received-First Consul-Account of negotiation-Convention-Bonaparte desirous of peace-French government poor-Convention hastily made.

IN October 1787, Mr. Jefferson was again elected minister to France for three years. He arrived in that country soon after his first appointment, and was presented to the king on the 17th of May 1785, by M. de Vergennes, who still continued the principal minister of state. The period of Mr.

Jefferson's résidence at the Court of Versailles was uncommonly important and interesting, but for reasons and considerations, that have little direct connexion with this country. His letters relate principally to the state of France, and towards the close of his mission, contain minute accounts of the events that daily took place under his eyes. In speaking of the assembly of notables, where the first symptoms of disaffection were disclosed, Mr. Jefferson appears to think that the reforms in the ancient monarchy would be only partial, and even to them he alludes with some degree of doubt. We have no recollection of observing, in any part of the correspondence we have had an opportunity of examining, an intimation of the dreadful consummation of this revolution, nor any expressions but those of a favourable kind in regard to the king. But as this great work proceeded, some change naturally took place in his opinions, principally concerning the reformation that would be worked in the government. It is apparent from the two short extracts we are about to introduce, that his sentiments on the subject of the French Revolution did not materially differ from many other enlightened statesmen, both of this country and Great Britain.

May '88. "There is neither head nor body in the nation to promise a successful opposition to 200,000 regular troops. Some think the army could not be depended on; but the breaking men to military discipline is breaking their spirits to the principles of passive obedience. Whatever turn this crisis may take, a revolution in the government seems inevitable, unless foreign war intervene to suspend the present contest, and a foreign war the government will avoid if possible, from an inability to get money."

January '89. "This country advances with a steady pace towards the establishment of a constitution, whereby the people will remove the great mass of those powers, so fatally lodged in the hands of the king." "The intrigues of the clergy and nobility will unite the people and the king." Great and constant complaints were made by M. de Vergennes and de Rayneval, that the American trade had not

found its way to their country, and notwithstanding the stipulations of the treaty of '78, still all centred in England. This was an extreme disappointment to France; but commerce does not readily follow in the channels, traced out for it on the parchment of diplomatists. France had nothing to give in exchange for our productions; no inducements or advantages to offer, that could break through the fixed commercial habits of two centuries, the convenience of similarity of laws, language, and general customs of trade. At this present hour, France appears to be drawing to her ports some portion of our active, enterprising commerce, but in point of amount how little in comparison with the trade, which continues to pour itself into the bosom of the mother country, and of what little value, compared with the articles of staple, necessary consumption, annually obtained from Great Britain, notwithstanding that our own manufactures follow so close upon those of that wealthy, industrious people. When Mr. Jefferson was in France, there existed insuperable obstacles to a commercial convention, in the wasteful system of profligate farming, particularly as it respected tobacco.

In October 1789, Mr. Jefferson returned to this country, having previously obtained the permission of the government. The official papers, relating to this change, we shall insert at length, on account of the interesting nature of their contents.

"NEW-YORK, 19th June 1789. "I have at length, my dear sir, the pleasure of informing you (though not officially) that you have leave to return, and that Mr. Short is appointed to take charge of the public affairs during your absence.

"From the time that your letter of the 19th November last was received, viz. 10th February, to the time that our former government gave place to the present one, there was not a single day, on which so many States were represented in the late Congress, as were necessary to make a House.

"Directly after the President came into office, I communicated to him your request. It was the general opinion, that the appointments under the late government expired at that period, and there

fore that the heads of the different departments were not in capacity to proceed without a new conveyance of authority. It was expected, that the different officers would, without delay, be established, and the business of them put in train. These circumstances retarded a decision on your request.

"Although the departments still remain in the same state, yet the President on the 16th instant informed the Senate, that he had complied with your request, and that he nominated Mr. Short on the 17th. I attended the Senate on the subject, and yesterday they came to a resolution in the following words, viz. United States of America. In Senate, 18th June 1789. Resolved that the President of the United States be informed, that the Senate advise and consent to his appointment of William Short, Esquire, to take charge of our affairs at the Court of France, during the absence of the minister plenipotentiary at that Court.'

"For some days past, the President has been indisposed with a headache, attended with fever. This morning I went to his house to communicate the resolution to him, and receive his orders on the subject. He is better, but his physicians thought it best that, for the present, no applications should be made to him on public affairs of any kind; consequently the business in question must be postponed.

"Until the office for foreign affairs is established, the papers and despatches, proper on the occasion, cannot be completed and transmitted. When I consider how long you have waited for the result of your application, and the sensations, which repeated disappointments must have occasioned, I cannot forbear, thus informally, to acquaint you with the preceding facts, and to mention to you as my opinion, that you may venture to return, and that the earliest opportunity will be taken of transmitting to Mr. Short the necessary papers. I mean to send you copies of this letter by various routes, and sincerely wish that it may arrive seasonably, and that I may have the pleasure of congratulating you on your arrival here early in the autumn.

"With the best wishes, and with my sincere esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant.

"The Hon. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq."

"JOHN JAY

"Very great and good Friend and Ally.

"As the time limited for the duration of Mr. Jefferson's residence, in quality of our Minister Plenipotentiary *near your Majesty, will shortly expire, and the public interests require, that he should undertake other functions, we have directed him to take leave of your Majesty, and to assure you of our friendship and sincere desire to preserve and strengthen the harmony and confidence, which so happily subsist between the two nations. We are persuaded that he will do this in the manner most expressive of these sentiments, and of the respect and sincerity with which they are offered.

"We pray God to keep your Majesty under his holy protection. "Written at the city of New-York the 6th day of April 1790. "Your good friend and ally,

"G. WASHINGTON.

"To our very great and good friend and ally

"His most christian Majesty."

The count de Moustier, appointed to succeed M. de la Luzerne as minister, arrived in America in 1788, and had the usual audience with Congress in February of the same year. M. de Moustiert was the last envoy sent by Louis

* This expression, "near your Majesty," "near the French Court," it is well known, is not conformable to the idioms of the English language; it is a French idiom, peculiar even in that tongue, as the adverb "prés" is not followed by a preposition. We have met with it as early as 1775 or '76, in public documents, immediately after the intercourse began with France, a literal translation from the French, made by some person in the public offices, not acquainted with the true idiom of the two languages. It appears to us an awkward form of speech, and was not required by the absence of appropriate expressions in our language. If we might venture on an opinion in this place, we can, perhaps, exhibit no better specimens of pure idiomatie English than the state papers (both documents and correspondence) of the first Congress, and of our ministers employed abroad during that period.

†M. de Moustier was still living in 1820, near Versailles. He has been conspicuous for his attachment to the royal family. In 1792 he left France, and did not return till 1814.