and Jay seem to have had little confidence in the professions of the French court, and upon those topics in regard to which a diversity of opinion existed, they prevailed against Dr. Franklin; but this circumstance produced neither coldness nor discord. "It gives me great pleasure," writes Mr. Jay, December 12, '82, "to inform you that perfect unanimity has, hitherto, prevailed among your commissioners. There has not been the least division or opposition among us, since the negotiation began with Mr. Oswald. Mr. Adams was particularly useful respecting the eastern boundary; and Dr. Franklin's firmness on the subject of the tories did us much service." The passage to which we alluded in the beginning of this paragraph, is as follows. "I will only add, that, with respect to myself, neither the letter of M. de Marbois, nor the conversations respecting the fisheries, the boundaries, the royalists, &c. recommending moderation in our demands, are of weight sufficient, in my mind, to fix an opinion, that this court wished to restrain us in obtaining any degree of advantage, we could prevail on our enemies to accord, since those discourses are fairly resolvable by supposing a very natural apprehension, that we, relying too much on the ability of France to continue the war in our favour, and supply us constantly with money, might insist on more advantages, than England would be willing to grant, and, thereby, lose the opportunity of making a peace, so necessary to all our friends."

To France herself, America was under great obligations. That country had certainly afforded material assistance, especially in the supply of arms, money and military stores. These articles were furnished at an early period of the war, when they were indispensable, and could not have been obtained from other countries. In the course of '78, 79, 80, France loaned America 8,000,000 on favourable terms. is unreasonable and even ridiculous to enquire into the motives, that induced her to make the alliance. It is sufficient to say that it was most fortunate for America she could offer such inducements to France as ultimately to lead her into the

measure.

It

This treaty, exceedingly favourable and honourable to America, was negotiated by the commissioners with uncommon address; they took advantage successfully of the ancient jealousy and enmity that existed between England and the house of Bourbon. Without entering into this fearful war for independence, America obtained an acknowledgment of it in the fullest manner, as well as a confirmation of the original boundaries of the colonies, and a recognition of her rights and privileges in the fisheries. She made a much more favourable treaty with Great Britain than either Spain or France. The Spanish minister, de Florida Blanca, was not satisfied with the peace; he said of it: "The French minister was too precipitate in beginning the war, and too precipitate in making peace." A Spaniard would be expected to say as much. He, also, expressed an opinion, that Vergennes had concerted with the Americans to withhold the preliminaries, in order to force Spain to a peace. In England the treaty with America was unpopular, and taken, together with the concessions she was absolutely under the necessity of making at the same time to France and Spain, threw the ministry into a minority in the first debate in the House of Commons. The acknowledgment of the independence of this country would have cost any administration their places, but the time had come when the colonies must be sacrificed, together with the ministry that consented to the dismemberment,-an act of self-devotion to the good of their country, and, one may truly say, of the world. Lord Shelburne's administration fell before the combined array of the original opposition, represented by Mr. Fox, and that portion of the ministerial party that had declared the war, and had retired with Lord North. From this state of parties proceeded the most monstrous and unnatural coalition to be met with in English history, but upon which the nation, at an early hour, wreaked the full measure of its vengeance. On the part of Great Britain, it was a treaty to declare the independence of America. The other conditions, concerning territory and the fisheries, though undoubtedly extorted, followed as necessary consequences. But time has proved that

necessity acted, on this occasion, the part of good policy. America would have been uneasy under any terms, that at all abridged the freedom and perfect independence of her situation. She had become a nation, and she properly and naturally required all those rights and privileges, which belong to that condition. Great Britain could not have held a hunting lodge, or exercised a single franchise within territory or jurisdiction, once strictly colonial, without awakening immediate jealousies, or speedily interrupting the peace.

Before finishing the account of this treaty, it is only necessary to remark, that the commissioners did not succeed in making any commercial arrangements. They thought it advisable to defer the consideration of that subject, though they had already secured one of the principal objects, proposed in a commercial treaty. The English sought for delay in this business; they were not prepared for the new state of things; they had not determined on what conduct to pursue in regard to America; or they might have had hopes that the revolution was not thoroughly consolidated. Evidently, an expectation was entertained, that the confederacy would dissolve from weakness, and that some portion of the wreck would seek again the support and union of the mother country; a senti ment, which was universal throughout Europe.

CHAPTER V.

TREATIES OF 1785 AND 1799 WITH PRUSSIA.

Fourth power in Europe to conclude a Treaty-Lee appointed in '77 to Berlin and Vienna-Not received by either court-Remarks on Austria-His full powers stolen at Berlin-His account of that business-Hessians made to pay same toll as cattle-Carmichael's letter -Letter from King to Lec-Letters from Prussian Minister-Adams respecting Elliot-Prince Henry-Treaty of '85-Peculiar provisions—Private war abolished-Treaty of '99-Last mission to Prussia political-Dangerous policy.

THOUGH Prussia took no part in the revolution war, she was the fourth power in Europe to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States.* At peace with England, soon after the commencement of hostilities Prussia was threatened with a war by the emperor, which, indeed, actually took place about the time, the United States applied to her government for aid and alliance. But Frederick II., usually called the Great, was not animated with a friendly feeling towards England, and it is well known, he viewed the progress of the American revolution with satisfaction.f Very early in the war, Congress took steps to obtain the cooperation of Prussia, together with that of some other powers in Europe; and in May 1777, William Lee, of Virginia, was appointed a commissioner to the courts of Vienna and Berlin. The objects of the mission are fully explained in his instructions, of which we subjoin an extract :

"As it is of the greatest importance to these states, that Great Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and

*The treaty of '83 with England, was of a different description.

The reader will find some remarks on this subject, in the third volume of his works.

Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address and vigour to cultivate the friendship and procure the interference of the emperor of Germany, and king of Prussia. To this end, you will propose treaties of friendship and commerce with these powers, on the same commercial principles as were the basis of the first treaties of friendship and commerce, proposed to the courts of France and Spain by our commissioners, and which were approved in Congress on the seventeenth day of September 1776; and not interfering with any treaties, which may have been proposed to, or concluded with the courts above mentioned. For your better instruction herein, the commissioners at the court of Versailles will be desired to furnish you from Paris with a copy of the treaty, originally proposed by Congress to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent alterations, that have been proposed on either side. You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten in these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured."

Mr. Lee was not received by the emperor, the court of Vienna positively refusing to have any thing to do with the revolted colonies. He appears to have been in that capital in May 1778, and was then advised by the French minister "to wait with patience till things wore a more favourable aspect, than they do at present." We believe (with an exception already mentioned) this is the only instance of an . endeavour in our history to enter into any sort of diplomatic arrangement with Austria. Though occupying so large a portion of the richest, most ancient and civilized part of Europe, at one time at the head of the German empire,-now decorated with the celebrated iron crown of the Lombards, and actually embracing within her dominions a greater extent of fertile and highly cultivated territory than any other Christian state, still, Austria, on account of a remarkable absence of sea ports, has presented few inducements to nations, (whose foreign intercourse is strictly commercial) to enter into the ordinary diplomatic courtesies. A single port or haven at the head of the Adriatic, once the proudest sca