SENATE.] Discriminating Duties. flour from Nova Scotia or Great Britain, all paying the same duties. If, then, we were relieved from the alien duties of impost and tonnage, there can be little doubt that our flour would go direct; and that 2-3ds at least, perhaps 3-4ths thereof, would be carried in American vessels. Even under all these disadvantages, it is certain that more than ten barrels of flour are exported to the colonies, in American vessels, for one in British. Lumber is charged with duties when from the United States, and pays no duty when imported into the British West Indies from her American Colonies; this gives an advantage to the Colonial vess Is over those of the United States in particular kinds of lumber. But it is a mistake to suppose that the disadvantage falls on the Eastern States only, "and particularly on Maine:" for the fact is, that lumber is exported in great quantities, from all the Southern States to the British West Indies, but particularly from North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Norfolk. White pine boards and plank, it is true, are exported, and in great quantities, from the Eastern States; but pitch pine, in planks and boards, shingles and staves, are exported chiefly from North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Norfolk. Large quantities of staves were formerly exported from Maryland, and other States, and many are still exported. The duty (Mr. ADAMS says) is 10 per cent. on the cost. I cannot think that so small a duty would operate very powerfully we could not be worse off: for we have now not only to pay that duty, but 10 per cent. thereon; and what is more onerous, the 94 cents of tonnage duty. : [APRIL 18, 1826. as being in violation of their charters: after much controversy, Jamaica offered, in lieu thereof, that the colony would pay the white troops employed for its defence: the offer was accepted. The other Islands being unable to adopt the compromise, have paid the four per cent. If on export, it must have been paid by the North American Colonies and Great Britain; for, the ships of no foreign nation were admitted. The port charges, and pilotage of vessels from the United States, are the same in Jamaica, whether they be British or American, (except on the retaliatory duties.) British vessels from the North American Provinces pay precisely the same port charges and pilotage as those from the United States. It is idle for us to complain that British ships only are permitted to carry from one Colony to another; that is, to all intents, the same as our coasting trade. Again if Canada, Great Britain, and Ireland, were able to supply the West Indies with their own flour, on which no duty would be payable, whilst ours paid a duty, then our trade with the Islands would be less useful, but we would have no just cause of complaint; the same principle exists now: for the grain and flour of Canada are admitted into Great Britain, when the average price in the market is less than that at which the same may be imported from the United States; still we should have the supplying of the Islands with many articles, as already stated, which cannot be supplied from Great Britain, or any of her possessions. I cannot perceive any cause we have to fear a competition in the article of flour; or in any Flour and lumber are, I believe, the articles on which other article which we are permitted to import into the we bottom our complaints; Indian corn may be another; Colonies on the terms proposed by the act of Parliament. it is free of duty from Nova Scotia; none, however, has Let the alien duties be repealed on both sides, and our ever been imported from thence into Jamaica; indeed, I enterprize, our proximity, and our articles, essential to am informed that the corn of the United States is import- the Islands, will do the rest. The profit to the merchant ed into that Colony for its own consumption. Our corn in the West India trade is trifling; in general it scarcely pays the heavy duty of twelve and a half cents per bush-pays a moderate freight; but the traie gives employ to el, being twenty-five per cent. on its average cost, and may have been imposed to induce the Planters to continue its cultivation. There are several valuable articles necessary to the West Indies, which can only be drawn from the United States: the retaliation duties on which fall heavily on the merchants and cultivator. I am surprised that they are not carried by British ships alone. If, however, they are carried (as I am told they are, principally,) in our vessels, they are subjected to the heavy charge of alien duties, which might have been avoided. The articles are Rice, In lian Corn, Corn Meal, (kiln-dried) Tar, Pitch, Turpentine, Tobacco, Peas, Ship Bread, Pilot Bread, Crackers, Live stock, and Pitch Pine Boards, Plank, and Timber; those articles are, with few exceptions, from the South and Middle States. our vessels and seamen, and demands much of our produce. Jamaica alone consumes more than 60,000 barrels of flour annually; and about as much is consumed in all the other British Islands. Canada (if ever able to supply) can only do it, as I have already said, for six months in the year; and there is little danger of Great Britain and Ireland furnishing the quantity necessary for the other x months with their own flour. Vessels from Canada cannot make more than one voyage in the year to Jamaica, when ours can make four or five. I can, Mr. President, see no danger from the repealing our alien duties to British vessels engaged in the Colonial trade, and hope that the Com mittee of Commerce will be directed to report a bill for their repeal. Notes on the Act of Parliament, of 5th July, 1825. Mr. Adams, in his letter to Mr. Rush, of 23d June, 1823, mentions an export duty in the West Indies, payable on articles permitted to be exported to the United States, of four to five per cent. not imposed on the same when im-ing of the most favored nation. ported to the North American Colonies. He justly considered it as an additional injury to a fair intercourse. But is such duty really charged It certainly is not on the exports froin Jamaica. I have before me an invoice of coffee, dated 28th of November, 1823, for account of Mr. McKim, and one of coffee, sugar, and other articles, for Mr. Patterson, of December, 1823, in which no such charge has been made; nor is any such duty in Jamaica known to any of our merchants. I have conversed with two agents from commercial houses in Jamaica, and they say they know of no export duty except on cocoa and ginger, which is paid by all parties. One of them supposes that the idea of such a duty may have arisen from the following fact: In the year Parliament passed an act, imposing a tax on the planters of four per cent. on all the exports from their estates. The tax was resisted by the Islands Take the first and fourth sections together, and they close the ports to the vessels of the United States, unless British ships shall be admitted into its ports upon the foot That act imposes no discriminating duty on imposts, and no duty on tonnage. It prohibits from importation into the Colonies, certain articles from any foreign country. It admits rum, cocoa, sugar, molasses, and coffee, from every country, into Canaria and Nova Scotia, on payment of very light duties, and admits all articles into their Colonics on payment of light duties. It admits many articles [duty free] into all her colonies. It admits [duty free] all goods from India and China. Sec. 11 enacts That the duties imposed prior to the 18th year George III. shall continue, as well as all Colonial duties, to be applied to the uses for which they were imposed; but shall not (taken together] exceed the duties imposed by this act. It admits all articles, not specifically prohibited, to be APRIL 18, 1826.] Discriminating Duties. [SENATE. imported into the Colonies from all nations, being the pro-respectively, being the produce of any of the British Posduce of the nation to which the ship belongs; and It permits the export from those Colonies, in foreign ships, all their produce, and such articles as may legally be imported therein, to any part of the world. See sec. 4, of act July 5, 1825. It confines these permissions to those nations possess ing Colonies, who will reciprocate, and to those having none, who will place the commerce and navigation of the British possessions abroad, on the footing of the most favored nation. It permits all goods, the produce and manufacture of the country to which the ship, belongs, to be imported and deposited in the public warehouses, the duty to be paid only when drawn out for consumption. The packages to be opened and sold in any port that may be required. SCHEDULE OF DUTIES. A Schedule of Duties payable upon Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, not being of the growth, production, or manufacture, of the United Kingdom, or of any of the British possessions in America, or the West Indies, or within the limits of the East India Company's charter, imported into any of the British Possessions in America or the West Indies. Barrel of Wheat Flour, not weighing more For every hundred weight of Biscuit or Bread, For every bushel of Wheat, For every bushel of Peas, Beans, Rye, Cala- For every one thousand Shingles, being more For every one thousand feet of White, Yellow, For every one thousand Wood Hoops, Horses, Mules, Asses, Neat Cattle, and all other live stock, for every one hundred pounds of the value, Spirits, viz: Brandy, Geneva, or Cordials, for every gallon, And further, the amount of any duty payable sessions in South America or the West Indies. Mr. TAZEWELL spoke at considerable length in favor of the object of the memorialists, and against the reasoning of the report, as to the mode recommended by the committee for attaining it, arguing in favor of effecting the object promptly by legislation instead of awaiting dilatory and uncertain negotiation. Mr. T. took occasion to intimate that, as the Committee on Commerce were averse to this mode of proceeding, he should, if that committee were discharged from the subject, move to refer it to some other committee, in hopes of procuring a different decision. Mr. LLOYD, of Massachusetts, said he had some reason to complain of the gentleman from Maryland, who had so fully and ably stated his opinions: for that gentleman had very recently, he believed only yesterday morning, remarked to him that the subject of the regulation of the British Colonial trade would be brought before the House of Representatives; that it would be best to wait, his wish that the report, in relation to it, of the committee and see what was likely to be done there; and expressed of the Senate, which he had not had time fully to consider, might lie on the table, and not be acted on at present; to this he (Mr. L.) had readily assented, and so expected, but it was now unexpectedly called up, and without any notice being given him. He was, therefore, 33 1-3 not prepared in detail, to enter into the discussion, if he should at any time, or, perhaps, to sustain the report as well as he might otherwise do; he was, however, willing to let it respond for itself: for, at this advanced period of the session, he would ask neither delay nor indulgence. $1 11 55 3-5 22 1-4 13 55 3-5 1 55 3-5 3 11 2 73 4 66 2-3 He was not the advocate either of high duties or a restricted trade, but he was the advocate of a fair and equal trade for our own country, or one that was nearly so. The single consideration submitted to the committee by the Baltimore memorial was, not on what terms it might be expedient to regulate the intercourse between the British Colonies and the United States, but to inquire into 3 33 1-3 the propriety of abolishing, at once, and altogether, the discriminating duties on British Colonial vessels and their cargoes, and of admitting them into the ports of the United States, from whencesoever they may come, and with whatsoever loaded, on the same terms as vessels of the most favored nations, and this without condition; while our intercourse with them was, by their acts of Parliament, to be confined to articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture, of the United States, and exported directly to the Colonies; and this at so heavy rates of duty above those imposed on the same articles when received from the British Provinces of the Canadas, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, as to amount to more than a full freight in many, if not in all instances, and thus giving it, if assented to, a most decisive advantage to the British trade, and the employment in it of British shipping. 6 22 1-4 44 44 4-9 22 1-4 32 66 2-3 33 33 1-3 22 1-4 33 33 Coffee, for every cwt. 1 11 Cocoa, for every cwt. 1 11 1 11 Sugar, for every cwt. Molasses, for every cwt. 1-3 66 2-3 And, further, the amount of any duty payable for the time being on Coffee, Cocoa, Sugar, Molasses, and Rum, The question was not as to the utility of the free port or warehousing system, which the gentleman froin Maryland has introduced; but, as to the former, he would remark, in time of peace he did not perceive any very great advantage that was to ensue to the commerce or the merchants of the United States, from transporting their produce or merchandise to Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, or to Antigua, or to any other Island in the West Indies, there to store it at a heavy expense, in a bad and hot climate, where most of the articles shipped from the United States would soon deteriorate, if not get wholly spoiled, for the privilege, with a double freight, and the expenses of warehouse rent, landing, reloading, and various port charges, of reshipping it to another market, to which we could send the same articles much better in the first instance, direct from the United States, and at half the cost. In time of war, Great Britain being neuItral, and the United States belligerent, we could make SENATE.] soon to occur. Discriminating Duties. [APRIL 18, 1826. And something out of these free ports by a communication small lumber-loaded vessel, from Edenton to St. Kitts, As to the supplies, or assortment for the South American markets, which, the gentleman contends, will be more profitably procured at these free ports, he had no belief in it. The encouragement of the South American trade was, at this time, brought forward in favor of nume rous projects of almost every kind, but he knew not why, as good assortments, or, indeed, very much better, could not be procured from the principal cities of the United States, where ten times, or a hundred times, the quantity of goods could be met with, as in Nova Scotia or the West Indies; and, for articles of any considerable importance, with the benefit of drawback; the duty retamed from which would, in most cases, be two or three tines doubled, by the expense of carrying the goods, in the first instance, to the British free ports, and the cost of keeping them there until wanted. In reference to the warehousing system, under proper regulations, he had no doubt it might be advantageously introduced into the United States; and, as one material consideration connected with it, would be its effect on the revenue, it of course should go to the Committee on Finance; and, if the chairman of that committee would digest and present to the Senate a suitable system, it should have all the little aid and support he could give it. But this was not the question now before the Senate: that was on the report of the Committee of Commerce, which, he would contend, was correct in all its positions. They were principally taken from the able and full communications of the Executive to the Senate, the last session of Congress, to which he could not refer, as they were confidential. The cash payment for duties in British ports; the difficulties that had sometimes been interposed on United States vessels in going from a bad market to a better; the onerous port charges; the export duty; and the heavy discriminating duties on articles from the United States over those of the same description from other British Colonies, were all adduced as proofs of the want of an actual reciprocity; but were admitted, to a certain extent, to be more the objects of municipal than international regulation; still they served to show the disposition of the two countries towards each other. The export duty complained of did exist, and is believed now to exist, in most of the Islands in the West Indies, if not in all of them. This we could not counteract; it has been the subject of much complaint and discussion between the Ministers of the United States and Great Britain, as the diplomatic correspondence before referred to will show. of the 200 vessels engaged in it, and that we were paying It is said that, in the trade to Jamaica, we have 190 out heavy tonnage duties, 50 or 60,000 dollars a year, which we might save, and which the British were willing to give up. argument. He did not think there was much strength in this could prosecute the trade, and pay the duties, and that the What did it show? British cannot; and if the quantity of produce wanted is Why, that our vessels now supplied, the agriculturists get all they can have; and if, in addition to this, 190 parts of it out of 200 finds employment for, and is carried by, our own navigation, one. two great interests were essentially benefited, instead of soon exist. The duties being off, and British vessels adHe did not believe a better state of things would mitted as freely as our own, the reverse of it, or an approach to it, might, and, probably, would, be experienced. he wanted information, he was in the habit of going to The gentleman from Maryland has also told us, when head-quarters. Mr. L. said he was not in the habit of frequenting the Departments, the Heads of which were incessantly occupied, as his own time also was; but in this instance he also had thought proper to do it; and, as he understood the gentleman from Maryland to say, that there was no difference of opinion on the subject, and that the President and Secretary of State accorded once abolishing the remaining discriminating duties, he in the propriety of now opening the trade, by an act at would distinctly state, that such was not his impression nor belief. He did not understand, so far from it, that both the President and Secretary were decidedly of opinion, that, after ten years unavailing efforts by legislation, and when the subject was now under diplomatic discussion between the Governments, with the hope, if not expectation, it would come to issue before the next meeting of Congress, it would be wiser and better to leave the attempt to be made to adjust it upon fair and equal princigame; give to the British a carte blanche; take away all ples, by convention, than to surrender at once the whole the offsets we have to offer, and admit them into our ports precisely on the same terms as our own vessels, or those of the most favored nation are admitted, while they placed the admission of our produce into their ports, on terms so disadvantageous as to give a full freight, and beThe gentleman from Maryland says, Mr. Huskisson has Indies from elsewhere; that is, from Canada, Nova Scoyond it, to the like articles, when imported into the West done away all the onerous port charges, and that United tia, and New Brunswick; and have excluded altogether States vessels now pay none of them. has no power to do this. By an act of Parliament to re-salted provisions, the fish, and other minor articles. Mr. Huskisson some of the principal staples of some of the States-the gulate the customs, passed in July last, which the gentleman probably has not seen-for it has not been printed to be considered as integral parts of the same country, The Colonies, the gentleman from Maryland says, are for the use of the Senate, and was not among those laid and the British doing this cannot be objected to. This, by him upon the table-the Lords of the Treasury were he admitted, might be strong ground; and, if they were authorized to regulate these charges. The Committee of actually so considered for purposes of trade, it might be Commerce were not negligent of their duty; they sought difficult to draw the line of distinction; but the British to obtain information on this head from the most authen-refused so to consider them, and would not include them tic source, not from the Executive or Departments, to in the Convention of 1818. The duties are not the same which they could have access, but, either the information in Great Britain and the Colonies, and the latter impose was not possessed, or it would not be imparted. He be- them without an act of Parliament. It was, therefore, lieved the former: for he doubted if any one in the the opinion of the Executive, and in which he fully conUnited States knew what had been done under that act curred, that it was better to leave the adjustment of the of Parliament, or what the present rate of charges was. intercourse to a Convention, than at once to abolish the The charges in a single port, while so many local and co-duties without condition; and thus disadvantageously lonial regulations existed in others, was no evidence of a general system: but he did know what they had been, for he held in his hand a statement, showing, that on a leave the intercourse to be dependent upon acts of Congress, orders in Council, or acts of Parliament, revocable at any time, and at the pleasure of either party. APRIL 19, 20, 1826.] Executive Powers-British Colonial Duties. [SENATE. Mr. L. said he had not contemplated to go into the sub-the first of March, one thousand eight hundred and twenject at length, nor did he know that it would be important ty-three, to the contrary notwithstanding. to do it; he was willing the report should speak for itself, SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall be and he would not repeat it. He was as strenuous as any in force from and after the 30th day of June next: Proone for an open and equal trade. He was willing, if Con- vided, nevertheless, That, upon satisfactory evidence begress pleased, fully to give the power to the President to ing given to the President of the United States, that any regulate the intercourse with the British Colonies on fair discriminating duties of tonnage, or impost, are imposed terms, at any moment when it could be done; and to or levied, in either of the ports aforesaid, upon vessels leave him to act on his responsibility, if we could not wholly belonging to citizens of the United States, or upwait seven or eight months. If the merchants heretofore on merchandise, the produce or manufacture thereof, imhad been quiet, and left the Government to pursue its ported in the same, the President is hereby authorized to own course, he had reason to believe this would have been issue his proclamation, declaring the fact; whereupon effected long since; their uneasiness and anxiety led the this act shall thereafter be suspended and discontinued so other party to hold out, with the hope to make a better far as it respects the ports or places in which such discrimbargain; and the only point to be determined now is, inating duties are imposed or levied." whether you will abandon the fair ground on which you The bill was read and passed to a second reading. stand, take away all inducements to Great Britain to The Senate proceeded, as in Committee of the Whole, place you on better and more equal terms, when you to consider the bill to authorize the claimants of certain have nothing more to yield, and, also, to give to other na-lands in the Territory of Florida, known as "Forbes' purtions the right to claim similar accommodations from you; chase," to institute suits against the United States, to try for what you give to her you must give to them, if they the validity of their title. require it. He believed not; but the Senate, in its better judgment, would decide. As to the renewed reference to the committee, they would cheerfully attend to any duty assigned them; but, as they were unanimous in their opinion in the report they made, it would probably be better to give the subject, for further consideration, to those who had not prejudged it. The question being taken on discharging the Committee of Commerce from the subject, it was carried; and then, On motion of Mr. TAZEWELL, the subject was referred to the Committee on Finance, to consider and report thereon. EXECUTIVE POWERS. The Senate, then, agreeably to the order of the day, resumed the consideration of the resolution, declaring "That the President of the United States does not con stitutionally possess either the right or the power to appoint ambassadors or other public Ministers, but with the advice and consent of the Senate, except when vacancies may happen in the recess." Mr. MILLS, of Massachusetts, rose and delivered an argument of about two hours' duration, in opposition to the resolution, denying both the constitutional propriety, and the expediency of the Senate's passing such a declaration of censure against a co-ordinate branch of the Government. [This claim embraces about 1,200,000 acres of land, situated between the Apalachicola and St. Mary's rivers.] Mr. BERRIEN explained, at length, the circumstances under which the claim had originated, and urged the propriety of putting it in process to be decided by the competent judiciary tribunals. Mr. B. also handed to the Chair certain documents, in favor of the claim, from the Florida Land Commissioners, and the Secretary of the Territory of Florida; which were read. The bill and claim were warmly opposed by Messrs. RANDOLPH, EATON, and BENTON, on the ground, amongst others, that Forbes & Co. had been the fomenters of the war with the Seminole Indians, &c. and the cause of much American blood being shed. answered the objections urged against it. Messrs. WHITE and VAN BUREN were in favor of settling these claims by some mode, without delay, as the interest of the United States would suffer injury if the lands were offered for sale with the claims hanging over them. The bill was finally, on motion of Mr. BENTON, laid on the table. consider the bill to exempt the Professors, Tutors, StewThe Senate proceeded as in committee of the whole, to ards, and Students, of the Columbian College, from militia duty. it applicable to any other literary institution in the Dis- trict. After a short discussion between Messrs. EATON, THURSDAY, APRIL 20. The Senate, on motion of Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, resumed the consideration of the bill to exempt the Professors, Tutors, Stewards, and Students, of the Columbian College from militia duty. Some further discussion took place between Messrs. JOHNSON, of Ken. LLOYD, CHANDLER, EATON, HOLMES, FINDLAY, BENTON, and EDWARDS; and the amendment proposed yesterday by Mr. EATON, was rejected. Mr. KANE then moved to amend the bill, so as to extend the privilege to the College in Georgetown; which was carried, ayes 16, noes 14; and the bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. The Senate then proceeded to consider, as in committee of the whole, the bill to grant a certain quantity of land to the State of Indiana, for the purpose of aiding said State in opening a canal to connect the waters of the Wabash river with those of Lake Erie. [This bill grants for this purpose a quantity of land, equal to six sections in width, embracing the land on both sides of, and most contiguous to, the canal, from one end to the other, subject to the disposal of the State Legislature.] A short debate took place on this bill. It was opposed by Messrs. CHANDLER, HOLMES, COBB, and FINDLAY, as a wild project in attempting to carry a canal through such a wilderness, nor was the length of the canal specified, and all the land which would be improved or rendered valuable by it, would be reserved to the State. Mr. FINDLAY expressed his willingness to assist it by subscribing for stock as they had done for other canals. The bill was supported and defended by Messrs. HENDRICKS, HARRISON, and JOHNSON, of Kentucky, who urged the practicability and importance of the canal, and the incapacity of the State of Indiana to effect it without the aid of Congress. The following observations of one of the latter gentlemen, will serve to explain the grounds on which the bill was advocated: Mr. HENDRICKS, of Indiana, said, it would be unpardonable in him, at this late period of the session, to detain the Senate by a speech of any considerable length. On this subject, however, it is perhaps unnecessary for me, said Mr. HENDRICKS, to give any assurances, for it has not been my practice to obtrude myself upon the attention of this body in frequent or long debates. On the bill now before you, it was my intention, had it met the consideration of the Senate at an earlier day, to have said much more than I now shall. I feel myself indebted to the comity of the Senate, for resuming its consideration at this late hour of the session, and of the day, and will endeavor to repay that comity, by closing the discussion on my part in a very short time. Sir, a moment at a time like this, when the members are starting and preparing to go, may be all-important to a measure. The Illinois Canal bill, which, about three hours ago, was defeated by an equal division of the Senate, would, in all probability, if on its passage at this moment, obtain a different result. One member from Maryland is gone home, one from Delaware is sick, and another, from Kentucky, leaves us in the morning. These, with one or two others believed to be friendly to the cause of internal improvements, being absent, diminish our prospects in the present case. [APRIL 20, 1826. gentleman from Maine, who has made this objection, that the fertile regions of the Western country, as the Indian title becomes extinguished, change instantaneously, as if by magic, from a dense forest to a highly cultivated country; and let me further tell the gentleman, that his own citizens and constituents, from the Penobscot and Kennebec, aid in producing this state of things. Sir, of all regions of the West which have been settled within the last four-and-twenty years, none has progressed with more rapidity than will this Wabash country. The canals of New York, the navigation of Lake Erie and of the Miami, to Fort Wayne, afford facilities, in arriving at this country, which never, until very recently, had any existence. Heretofore the approaches to that country from the East, were by land, in many instances a distance of a thousand miles; or else by water, from some navigable point on the Ohio, or its tributary streams. The exposures and fatigues of families in this removal well prepared the Northern constitution for the diseases of the country, and inflicted, in many instances, innumerable calamities on the unfortunate emigrant. The reputation of the country for health was injured, and emigration discouraged. All this is now removed. The Western country of the Wabash is also better adapted to the Northern emigrant than any district heretofore settled West of the State of Ohio. The situation of this district, then, in all respects, justifies the belief, that it will settle with a rapidity heretofore unknown. You Sir, the very fact that the country is unsettled, is the strongest reason for passing this bill. Why? the land is now your own. You have it yet to give, but the moment you put it into market, that ceases to be the case. sell the best lands for one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, and not only put it out of your power to aid the State in this way, but you produce this state of things. If ever the State should be able to make this canal, she will have to operate in a highly cultivated country, and have to pay five, ten, and twenty dollars per acre for the land through which it must pass. In this way, by not passing the bill before the lands are put in market, you not only refuse to do the State a positive good, but really inflict a positive injury. It has also been objected that there has been no survey of the route; no estimates; that there may be various routes for this canal, and on this subject we have no inA report of the Committee on Roads and Canals ac- formation. Sir, the report just read, gives you, I becompanied this bill. It has been printed and laid on the lieve, reasons which ought to be satisfactory on these tables of members almost three months. It has been points. Two years ago, you passed a law authorizing read, and contains all the information which is most obvi- the State of Indiana to survey this route through your ously connected with the subject. But, as inquiries public lands, and gave the very liberal donation of land have been made, and objections started, I will endeavor for the bed of the canal, and ninety feet on each side to answer them. It is said that the country is yet a wild- thereof; and you reserved, also, from sale, the sections erness, inhabited by Indians, and that it is idle to talk of through which this route might pass. The subject of improvements of this kind, which belong to advanced pe- this survey has been before the Legislature of the State. riods of the improvement of a country. Gentlemen talk They refused to appropriate money to make the survey. of twenty years to come, of another generation, as time They were, perhaps, correct in this. For, being destienough for such improvements as these. Suggestions of tute of the means of making the canal, it was deemed this kind are serious, inasmuch as they create difficulties bad policy to expend money in its location. The locain the minds of those who know nothing about our coun- tion of the canal would only have attracted attention to try, and operate unfavorably to the present question. In the public land in that quarter; would have given a all other views, they would only show us from the West, nominal and fictitious value to it, which for many years how little gentlemen from the East and South know about cannot be realized, without the aid of the General Goour country, and could only excite a smile. On this sub-vernment in constructing the canal. It would have inject I refer gentlemen to the history of our country. In sured the sale of the lands contiguous, and have created 1800, the Northwestern Territory, now the States of new difficulties for the State whensoever she might deterOhio, Indiana, and Illinois, contained only a few thousand mine to engage in the work. The State of Indiana will inhabitants, confined to the Connecticut Reserve, Vin- not authorize the survey at her own expense, unless she cennes, Kaskaskia, and Detroit, and a few settlements on has your aid in this, or some other form, to enable her to the Ohio. That Territory now sustains a population of progress with the work. perhaps one million and a half; sends twenty members and one delegate to the other House; and, if an apportionment could be based on the present population, it would be entitled to six or eight more. Let me tell the There can be but one route for this canal. It must follow the stream from the Western termination of the Portage. It must keep the valley of the Wabash. This Portage connects the river St. Mary's three miles above |