"This compact of union, league, and confederation, "shall not affect, in any manner, the exercise of the na"tional sovereignty of the contracting parties, in regard "to their laws, and the establishment and form of their "respective Governments, nor in regard to their relations "with other Governments."

Here are three restrictions upon the powers of the Congress:

1. Against interfering with the municipal laws of the confederates.

[MARCH, 1826.

is one of power in the Congress to treat of these subjects mala. We have a treaty with her, ratified likewise by ourat all. It seems to me that it has no power to touch them. selves, at the present session, in which every point is secured They belong to the "Foreign Relations" of the confede- which is contained in the one with Colombia, even to the rates, and these it is forbidden to the Congress to "affect stipulation for contingent advantages, in the formation of in any manner," as shown in the analysis of its powers. better treaties with other Powers. With Buenos Ayres The article to that effect is the same in every treaty. It and Chili we had no treaties, positively signed, at the date is article 17th, in the treaty between Colombia and Chili; of the last advices; but our Ministers were in negotiation; 6th, in that of Colombia and Peru; 18th, in that of Colom- and, on the 28th of September last, our Government was b'a and Guatemala; and 17th, in that of Colombia and Mex- officially informed that these negotiations were probably ico. It is in these words: concluded, and treaties signed by that time, which would contain every stipulation which had been put into the treaty with Colombia.-(See Mr. Poinsett's letter of that date. With Peru we have neither treaty nor negotiation; but it is understood that a Chargé d'Affaires will soon be sent to that country, and, unless he goes to make a commercial treaty, I presume he will go uncharged with any affairs at all." Mexico, alone, remains to be considered. With her we have interchanged Ministers, and from our Plenipotentiary "near" her Government, we are informed, under date of the 13th and 28th of September 2. Against interfering with their forms of government. last, that every article in the proposed treaty was adjusted 3. Against interfering with their foreign relations.* to his entire satisfaction, save one, and that one a proposiThe last of these restrictions ought to prevent the Con- tion, on the part of Mexico, to reserve the right of grantgress from touching the commercial relations of the Unit-ing some commercial privileges with the other American ed States, with any or all of the Confederate Powers. But, States, formerly Spanish, which would not be granted to admitting that this restriction had not been imposed, other Powers. The last intelligence from our Minister, would it then have been the part of a wise and prudent | left the negotiation hanging upon this single point, with policy to open the subject of our commercial relations in a peremptory declaration, on his part, that he would nethe Congress of these Confederate Powers? I think not, ver agree to it. Since then, the Message of the Mexican sir, for many reasons: and, first, because we have already | President to his Congress, has been seen and read by us so nearly all that we want from each of these Powers, re- all, in which he speaks of this treaty being so nearly conspectively, that it would be impolitic to put to stake the cluded, as to enable him to say that it would be laid before much which we have in possession, for the chance of gain- Congress in a few days! Then, take this matter as you ing the little which we have not yet acquired. With Co-will, in the first place, it is highly probable that we have, lombia we have a treaty, ratified by ourselves about sixty before this time, treaties with all these Powers, containdays ago, containing every stipulation that we can possibly ing every stipulation that we wish. Certain it is, that ask for: the flag to cover the property; free ships to make we have such with Colombia and Guatemala, two out of free goods; the trade of the two countries to be placed on three of the Powers that have invited us to Panama. It the liberal basis of perfect equality and reciprocity; liber-is almost certain that we have the same from Mexty of conscience, and the right of worship, allowed to our ico, the remaining Power that invited us-highly probacitizens, and the privilege secured to them of being buble that we have just what we want from Buenos Ayres ried in decent and suitable places; and, finally, the crown- and Chili; and, if we have not, it would seem like a sleeveing stipulation, that, if a better treaty should be made less errand to go to Panama to get it, because Chili has with any other Power, all the advantages of it shall imme- not invited us to meet her there! And Buenos Ayres has, diately accrue to the United States, in the same manner herself, refused to go there! Neither has Peru invited as if it had been made with us. This is certainly covering us, nor can it be presumed that, without the expectation the whole ground for which we went into the mission to of seeing us at Panama, either this Power or Chili has Europe, at the close of the Revolutionary War-it is gain-given full powers to their Plenipotentiaries to treat with us ing all that can be got from Colombia. Then for Guate- at that place. Shall we, then, voluntarily incur the hazard

Upon this disclosure and animated appeal to the People, through the House of Representatives, I have two remarks to make:

1. That Mr. Adams ought to have disclosed this object to the Senate; and cannot be excused for the omission to do so, except upon the ground that he did not think of it when he was stating the objects of the mission to them. 2. That Mr. Adams, himself, in his quality of Minister to Prussia, on the 11th day of July, in the year 1799, expunged the aforesaid most "noble," most "glorious," and most "precious," stipulation from our treaty with that Power. (See article 23d of the two treaties with Prussia; Laws of the United States, pages 241 and 259.) The political pamphlets of the day, and the memory of individuals, contemporary with the event, assert that great applause was bestowed upon the young negotiator, Mr. J. Q. Adams, for his success in getting this stipulation expunged. With respect to the value of the stipulation itself, I look upon it to have been of about as much consequence as if it had been made with the King of Prussia's neighbor, "the King of Bohemia:" who, according to Tristram Shandy, had neither sea-coast, nor sea-ports, nor ships; and with whom, of course, treaty-stipulations in favor of "human nature" upon the ocean, would be about as availing against "Orders in Council, and Berlin and Milan Decrees," as if they had been made with the King of Ashantee, or half-a-dozen young nations at Panama, who have, indeed, a plenty of sea-coast, but who, for a long time, must be as destitute of naval force, and as incapable of regulating public or private war upon the ocean, as the King of Bohemia, the King of Prussia, or the King of Ashantee.

As to Mr. Adams' Diplomatic merits in the premises, I look at them in this wise: Either he was wrong at Prussia in 1799, or wrong at home in 1826.-His admirers may divide as they please, but divide they must.-Note by Mr. B. * The Committee of Foreign Relations, in the House of Representatives, in a report, professedly replying to objections to the Panama Mission, which objections had not, at that time, been made any where but in the Senate, has quoted the first and second of these restrictions, and omitted the third. The omitted clause, I presume, was deemed by the Committee to be immaterial, and not worth inserting; but, in my opinion, the insertion of it would have anni hilated their report.-Note by Mr. B.

MARCH, 1826.]

On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.)

of losing all that we have secured from these nations separately, by opening fresh negotiations with them in a body? Shall we run the risk of seeing Colombia, Guatemala, Peru, Chili, and the rest of them, innoculated with this Mexican doctrine-a doctrine so well calculated to become infectious, of granting to each other peculiar privileges to the exclusion of us? Is not a bird in the hand worth two in the bush? Are not four birds in the hand worth the feather of one in the bush?

But let us look further. Who is the negotiator contending with our Minister in Mexico for this doctrine of exclusive privileges? Is it not Don Ramos Arispe? And who is Don Ramos? A Catholic Bishop; (and I do not mention this in derogation of his character, but for a purpose which will show itself in the proper place;) a Catholic Bishop, and one of the Mexican Plenipotentiaries to the Congress at Panama. Yes, sir; the negotiator selected to contend with Mr. Poinsett, in Mexico, for this doctrine of reserving peculiar commercial privileges among the new States, because they are akin to one another, and we are not akin to them—this negotiator is one of the Plenipotentiaries appointed to meet our Ministers at Panama! And is there nothing in this coincidence? No visible sign about it, of the determination of Mexico to contend for the same thing in this Congress? To those who think so, the perusal of Mr. Poinsett's letters of the 13th and 28th of September, will show them their error. They will there discover that Mexico is "obstinately bent" upon carrying this point; that she looks to the Congress at Panama as the place at which she can carry it; and to the sensible answer of Mr. Poinsett, that, while our treaties with the other States continue, THEY cannot enter into this arrangement with Mexico, the negotiators of this Power reply, that these treaties may be dissolved, and even mention war as a means of dissolving them! But these passages are too material to be paraphrased; let us have the information of Mr. Poinsett in his own words: Mr. Poinsett's letter to Mr. Clay, September, 28, 1825.

66

66

EXTRACT.

[SENATE.

sive privileges to the other States, until they are loosed from their treaties with us, and free to grant them back again to her. Why, then, spoil our own market by a childish over-eagerness to trade?

So much for the item of commerce: enough, I think, Mr. President, to prove two things; first, that the Congress at Panama, has no power to treat upon the subject at a l; and, secondly, if it had, that it would be unwise and improvident in us to go there to treat about it.

But the President proposes another object in the same paragraph of his message-which relates to commerce, and somewhat in connexion with that subject. It is the establishment of certain unsettled and disputed principles of national law.

I hold it to be a sufficient answer to this suggestion, to refer again to the third restriction upon the powers of the Congress; the one which forbids that body to touch the subject of foreign relations. But there is another point of view in which to look at this suggestion, and to arrive at the same conclusion. The law of nations is either natural, derived from the law of nature; or conventional, derived from treaties; or customary, founded upon usage. The introduction of any new principle into the body of national law, or the restoration of any old principle to it, in either the natural or the customary law, will be out of the question at Panama; and the alterations made by treaties are only binding upon the parties to the treaty. Vattel, section 24 of the Introduction.) And even without a book to tell us this, natural reason would seem to say, that half a dozen of the youngest and weakest nations upon earth, collected in a corner of the world, would not be able, by any agreement among themselves, to give a new code of national law to the oldest and most powerful.

The subject next mentioned in the message, is that of religion. The President expresses an opinion that our Ministers at Panama can be instrumental in effecting a change in the Constitutions of the new Republics, favorable to the cause of religious liberty. He says:

fectually by the united exertions of those who concur in the principles of freedom of conscience, than by the solitary efforts of a Minister at any one of the separate

"Some of the Southern nations are, even yet, so far "under the dominion of prejudice, that they have incor"I replied, that this exception could now avail them "porated, with their political constitutions, an exclusive (the Mexicans) nothing, as our treaty with Colombia, "and those probably by this time concluded with Buenos«nant sect. The abandonment of this last badge of reli"church, without toleration of any other than the domi"Ayres and Chili contained no such provision. The Pleni-gious bigotry and oppression, may be pressed more ef"potentiaries of Mexico hastily remarked, that a war might "dissolve any one of those treaties, and, in such an event, "they thought Mexico ought to possess the power to " evince her sympathies in favor of either of the Ameri"can nations which had formerly been Spanish. To this "observation, I replied that I considered this argument "conclusive why the United States should not accede to "the insertion of such a provision in the treaty; that I re"garded a war between the United States and any of the **other Republics of America, as a very remote and im"probable event; but that I never would consent, by "treaty, to place the former in a less favorable situation "than their enemies, if, unfortunately, those Republics

"should ever become so."

Now, Mr. President, put this question upon either foot. Let it be assumed that Mexico has concluded a treaty with Mr. Poinsett before this time, or admitted that she has not. In the former case, it would be idle to go to Panama to conclude it over again; in the latter, it would be the extreme of imprudence to refer the subject to the Congress at Panama; because we should then have to open all our treaties with the other Powers upon the same point, and to run the risk of a general combination of those States against us.. The improvidence of doing this now, is even greater than it would have been when Mr. Poinsett wrote: for, since that time, Guatemala has concluded her treaty with us, upon our own terms. Mexico is left alone, and must yield if we stand still and do nothing: for it is impracticable for her to grant these exclu

"Governments," &c.

This, Mr. President, is the declaration of a direct intention to interfere with the internal affairs of the Spanish American States. The President proposes to effect an amendment in their "political constitutions," in one of their fundamental and most valued articles. This is an act which he has no right to do, and which our intended Ministers cannot attempt, without giving just cause of offence. I admit that the President may recommend to us an amendment in our Constitution, and I should be glad to see him do so in a certain particular; but I deny to him any right to propose amendments to the Constitutions of foreign nations. It is true, sir, that he proposes the mildest mode of operation, that of "moral influence," but even this is forbidden by the law of nations. The books forbid it expressly. Listen to Vattel:

"It is the business of the nation alone to judge all dis"putes relating to its Government. * No foreign power has a right to interfere. * If any intrude "into the domestic affairs of another nation, and attempt "to INFLUENCE its deliberations, they do it an INJURY.' (Book 1, Chap. 4. Sec. 37.)

Advice without request, is, Mr. President, intrusive, and offensive alike to nations and to individuals. This is the case on subjects of ordinary policy; how much greater the

In the President's message to the House of Representatives, this subject of Religion is presented under an aspect entirely different from the view above taken. I am one of those who complain of that difference, and to enable the candid part of the community to judge for themselves, I will here insert the two paragraphs in parallel columns:

I maintain, that the first message proposes an interference in the internal concerns of the Spanish American States; the latter, I admit, suggests nothing but a laudable and familiar proposition. Nobody could object to it. The Senate, the "nineteen" included, would not: for, in the months of December and January preceding, they had unanimously ratified the Colombian and Gautemalian treaties, each of which contained the stipulation for freedom of worship and right of burial in decent and suitable places. I have heard of no difficulty in getting the privilege of worship from "the separate Governments," we have it from them as far as we have treaties with them; and I can see no necessity for going to Panama for it.

"It may be, that, in the lapse of many centuries, no other opportunity so favorable will be presented to the Govern"ment of the United States to subserve the benevolent purpose of Divine Providence, to dispense the promised bles"sings of the Redeemer of mankind."

In Monarchies, Church and State naturally go together; in Republics, they should be kept apart. Their union is more dangerous to liberty, than the union of the purse and the sword. It was the religious consular order of 1801, for the burial of Pius 6th, that made the ten years' Consul a Consul for life-every Catholic in France voting for the life-estate, at the election of 1802; and this estate was only converted into a fee simple by the Conservative Senate in 1804.-The burial of a dead Pope, in 1801, brought a living one to Paris, in 1804, to exclaim, at the Imperial Coronation, "Vivat Imperator in æternum." "May the Emperor live forever!" After all, the Consul, General, and Emperor, had no religion at all. This he told us at St. Helena. In Egypt a Musselman, in France a Catholic, in St. Helena a Free-thinker. [Note continued on next page.

MARCH, 1826.

On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.)

THE PARAGRAPH.

{SENATE.

It

A third object to be accomplished by this Congress, ister of Mr. Salazar, the Colombian Minister. I will read it: one indistinctly seen in the message*-the establishment for in matters of this kind, we cannot be too exact. of a league of Republics to counterpoise the Holy AlLiance of Europe. The honor of being at its head, seems "On what basis the relations of Hayti, and of other parts to be tendered to us. This, Mr. President, is a most se"of our hemisphere that shall hereafter be in like cirductive object. It addresses itself to the generous and he- "cumstances, are to be placed, is a question simple at roic feelings of our entire population. The brilliant honor" first view, but attended with serious difficulties when of presiding in a such a league would cast a new splendor" closely examined. These arise from the different manover our administration; but it is the business of those who "ner of regarding Africans, and from their different rights are appointed by the Constitution to counsel the President" in Hayti, the United States, and in other American States. about it, to take counsel themselves rather from their "This question will be determined at the Isthmus, and, judgments, than from illusions of glory, and the ardent" if possible, an uniform rule of conduct adopted in refeelings of young men. "gard to it, or those modifications that may be demanded The despots of Europe have confederated for the pur-by circumstances." pose of putting down liberty. They have embodied one Our policy towards Hayti, the old San Domingo, has million five hundred thousand bayonets to march against been fixed, Mr. President, for three and thirty years. the banner of freedom wherever it can be seen. One of We trade with her, but no diplomatic relations have been the protegés of thus alliance is engaged in war with the established between us. We purchase coffee from her, Spanish American States, formerly his colonies; and these and pay her for it; but we interchange no Consuls or MinStates have confederated against him, as we confederated isters. We receive no mulatto Consuls, or black Ambasagainst our ancient master, in the war of the Revolution. sadors from her. And why? Because the peace of eleven For the success of all their objects in this Confederation, States in this Union will not permit the fruits of a successthey have the prayers and the best wishes of all the friends ful negro insurrection to be exhibited among them. of liberty throughout the globe. But I cannot advise the will not permit black Consuls and Ambassadors to estaPresident to enter into this Confederation as a partner, blish themselves in our cities, and to parade through our neither upon the open sign, nor in the secret articles. I country, and give their fellow blacks in the United States, cannot approve even of a dormant partnership in this busi-proof in hand of the honors which await them, for a like ness. Not that I am determined, in no event, to make successful effort on their part. It will not permit the fact common cause with these new Republics, or any one of to be seen, and told, that for the murder of their masters them, in a contest with the combined Powers of Europe; and mistresses, they are to find friends among the white but because I would be the judge of the occasion which People of these United States. No, Mr. President, this is required me to do so, and free to act as I thought proper, a question which has been determined HERE for three and when the occasion occurred. The occasion may occur, thirty years; one which has never been open for discusMr. President. We have the Holy Allies in front and sion, at home or abroad, either under the Presidency of in rear, in Europe and in Asia. They may conceive it to General Washington, of the first Mr. Adams, of Mr. Jefbe the shortest way of accomplishing their final object, ferson, Mr. Madison, or Mr. Monroe. It is one which canto extinguish, at once, the light of liberty in the new not be discussed in this chamber on this day; and shall world; and the subjugation of the new Republics might we go to Panama to discuss it?-I take it in the mildest be the first step in that great work. In such an event, supposed character of this Congress-shall we go there to would not wait for the dastardly privilege of being the advise and consult in council about it? Who are to advise last to be devoured. I would go into the contest from the and sit in judgment upon it? Five nations who have albeginning; I would grapple the universal enemy while he ready put the black man upon an equality with the white, was engaged with my neighbor; I would go into the con-not only in their constitutions but in real life; five nations flict not as ally, but as principal; not with regulated quotas and starveling contingents, but with all our power by land I would go into it to conquer or to perish. I would stake life and property, and Household Gods, upon the issue. I would fight the battle of desperation and of death. It would be the last struggle for human liberty, and should be worthy of the cause; great in the triumph, and greater still in the fall!

and sea.

who have at this moment (at least some of them) black Generals in their armies and mulatto Senators in their Congresses! And who is the counsel retained on our part, to plead our cause before that tribunal?-Mr. President, have we forgot the Missouri question, its agitators, and their doctrines? I say the agitators! for I separate the credulous crowd that followed, from the designing few that went ahead. Have we forgot the doctrines and the leadThe relations of Hayti with the American States, (these ers of that day?-On this floor we had one, who proclaimUnited States inclusive) and the rights of Africans in this ed to our faces, that slavery did not exist! could not exist! hemisphere, are two other questions to be "determined" was condemned by God and man! by our own Declaraat the Isthmus. We learn this from a paragraph in the let-tion of Independence! by the nature of our Government!

I say, I do not like this jumbling of politics and religion. My dislike to it dates from the reading of Cromwell's expulsion of the Rump Parliament, when he said to one member, "thou art an adulterer;" to another, "thou art a hypocrite," to a third, “the Lord hath no further occasion for thee;" and to the whole,—“ I have besought the Lord night and day, not to put me upon this work; but he hath sent me here to drive ye all away-get ye gone."-Note, by Mr. B.

The President, in his second message, the one to the House of Representatives, has come out more explicitly on this subject. He even seems to stimulate Congress by piquing their pride on the delicate article of their animal courage. He says, (in answer to the supposition that the Holy Allies may take offence at this meeting at Panama,) that The Holy League of Europe itself was formed, without inquiring of the United States, whether it would, or would "not, give umbrage to them. The fear of giving umbrage to the Holy League of Europe, was urged as a motive "for denying to the American nations the acknowledgment of their Independence. That it would be viewed by Spain as hostility to her, was not only urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress and administration of "that day consulted their rights and duties, and not their FEARS."—Note, by Mr. B.

66

†The Colombian Minister proposes that a defensive alliance against European Powers shall be formed between the United States and the Confederates at Panaina, to be kept "secret" until the casus fœderis should occur. (Letter to Mr. Clay, Nov. 2d, 1825.)-Note, by Mr. B.

On the Panama Mission—(in conclave.)

[MARCH, 1826.

and that the Supreme Court would so declare it! Well, sir, mischief? Very different, Mr. President, by the different this gentleman has been sent to London, to plead the cause members of the society. The hearts of the good were rent of slave-holders before the King of Great Britain; to claim with anguish; but the wicked rejoiced with an exceeding payment for slaves taken from us during the war, twelve joy. Their dens, smeared with human blood, resounded years ago, and payment withheld ever since, in violation with acclamations!-" Perish the Colonies-save the PRINof the treaty of Ghent. This gentleman was one of those CIPLE!" was the cry of these infernal monsters; and have we agitators, and we thought him for a long time the most not got societies here, treading in the steps of that at violent and determined; but not so the fact: for when this Paris? Is not our advocate at Panama a President of one gentleman had lost the "restriction," he scorned to go of these societies, whose principles, "carried out to their against the "constitution" on account of some few ne- legitimate conclusions," will justify the slaves of this contigroes and mulattoes. He told me so himself, and his con-nent in re-enacting the tragedy of San Domingo? Are not duct was conformable to his declaration: for he spoke no the slave-holding States filled with emissaries, preaching more on the subject. doctrines which lead to the same result! Has not a second

Story, to a grand jury in Boston, during the agitation of [Mr. B. also referred to an address delivered by Judge the Missouri question, which he considered to be uncalled for by the case before the Court, and going the whole length of justifying the insurrection of our slaves. He quoted from memory, and begged to be corrected if he was wrong. He paused for the correction-none was given.]

which I wish to look at this black and mulatto question. It But there is one other point of view, Mr. President, in is that point of view which exhibits the real parties to it, their conduct upon it, and their weight in its decision. Who are the real parties? They are the States South of the Potomac, South of the Ohio, and the State upon the right bank of the Mississippi. What is their conduct? They are in the opposition, united, sir, against this mission, solid as a wall of granite, some fissures about the edges excepted. And what their weight in the decision? A feather; dust in the balance! Yet, sir, the real parties to this question are disregarded, and strangers to their interests decide it for them.

But now came forth, upon another floor, another agita-Anacharsis Klootz appeared in France, sent his petition tor, of far different temper, who, having taken the hold here, and found a person in the Speaker's chair to present which knows no relaxation, resisted the admission of Mis-it to the House of Representatives, in which the total desouri during the entire session of 1820-21, upon the sin-struction of all the slave-holding States is recommended gle isolated point of free negroes' and mulattoes' rights! as a "sublime” measure? And now, this very individual, who kept Missouri out of the Union for one whole year, because she would not take free negroes and mulattoes into her bosom-this identical individual is to go to Panama to prevent the black Ambassadors and Consuls from Saint Domingo, from coming into the bosom of the United States! But gentlemen say it is only for advice and consultation. I answer, that the question is not debatable, neither at home nor abroad; not even in this chamber, where we have sincere advocates and unprejudiced judges. In reply to our objections to Mr. Sergeant, they say that Mr. Anderson goes along to plead the cause of the slave holders. I say, if he must go upon such an errand, give him an assistant, not an opponent. Give him another Southern man, not a Missouri agitator, not a President of an Abolition Society, not the veteran advocate of free negroes' and mulattoes' rights! They say they only go to consult! I say, there are questions not debateable. I would not debate whether my withholding the advice which the President requires upon this occasion, is the effect of a "factious and unprincipled opposition;" I would not debate whether my slave is my property; and I would not go to Panama to "determine the rights of Hayti and of Africans" in these United States. President, for sending this mission, is the fact of invitation The last, and the main argument, relied upon by the Mr. President, I do repeat, that this is a question which to do so. ought not to be agitated by us, neither at home nor abroad. President is particular in the use of words; we are perThis he calls the "decisive inducement." The The intentions of the agitators are wholly immaterial. The mitted, therefore, to say, that all other reasons for sending consequences to us will be the same, whether their designs the mission, were persuasive only, until the weight of this be charitable or wicked. Knaves can do nothing without invitation decided his mind. I felt the full force of this dupes. The wicked would be harmless, were it not for decisive reason myself. Invitations to mere individuals the good men who become their associates and instru- are often embarrassing, and cannot be accepted without ments. Who made the massacre of San Domingo? Was it inconveniences or impropriety, nor refused without giving not the society of "Les Amis des Noirs" in Paris? And offence. With nations, the acceptance or decline of rewho composed that society? I answer, every thing human, spectful invitations, often become an affair of State, full of in the shape of virtue and of vice, from Lafayette and the responsibilities. When then I saw it stated in the newsAbbe Gregoire, down to Marat and Anacharsis Klootz. The papers, that we had been "invited," I felt the delicacy of speeches, the writings, and the doctrines of this society, the position in which our Government was placed. When carried to San Domingo by emissaries, with "religion in the annual Message was read, and I heard from authority, "their mouths, hell in their hearts, and torches in their that the invitation had been given and accepted, and that "hands," produced that revolt, the horrors of which yet Ministers would be commissioned, I was ready to give my harrow up the soul, and freeze the blood-that revolt, advice in favor of sending them, with a protest against in which the sleeping babe was massacred in its cradle the President's right to send them without such advice. in which the husband and the father, tied to his own gate, When the Message of the 26th December was read, and beheld, by the light of his burning house, the violation of the fact of the invitation placed in high relief, as the decihis wife-saw his daughters led off-and received, as a re-sive cause, I responded to the sentiment, and said to the lief from his horrors, the blow of the axe which scattered Senator next to me, his brains upon the ground. And how was the news of sons." But what was my astonishment on coming to these scenes received in Paris, by the authors of so much look among the appended documents, to find out the real "THAT is the strongest of all the rea

The vote on Mr. Anderson's nomination was one more, in his favor, than there was in favor of Mr. Sergeant. Mine made the difference.-Note, by Mr. B.

t "The friends of the blacks."-Note, by Mr. B.

In the President's Message to the House of Representatives, he dwells with warmth and animation upon the force of this invitation. He makes it an affair of insult to refuse it. "To meet the temper with which this proposal was made, with a cold repulse." "Nothing can be gained by SULLEN "To insult them by a refusal of their overture.” repulses and ASPIRING pretensions." Such is the language of the Message to the other branch of the Legislature. Note continued on next page.