253 MARCH, 1826.] On the Panama Mission—(in conclave.) [SENATE. doned what they honestly consider to be the only true which, commencing with our Government, is endeared faith. Add to these considerations the fact, that there to the People, and upon whose deep foundations has been are no sects in the country, and we will, perhaps, have erected the magnificent superstructure of unequalled namore reason to commend the discretion of the Patriots in tional prosperity-it surely becomes those entrusted with leaving that matter to the silent progress of liberality in the management of affairs, to pause, and weigh, with scruIn the discussion of this subject, I shall first consider the public sentiment, than to censure their seeming insensi- pulous exactness, the importance of the step. bility to what the President justly regards as among the greatest of all human privileges religious freedom. It general principle; then the grounds of the distinction atappears to me, (with deference to the high source from tempted to be made between its application to the Spanwhence this suggestion proceeds,) that, from all we know ish American States, and to those of Europe. At this moof the great body of the People, nothing could have a ment the United States (thanks to the wisdom of their early greater tendency to defeat the objects of the Congress, counsels!) are unfettered. No Government has a right to and to endanger, if not destroy, the present order of things demand our aid or interference in any of the changes in the in Spanish America, than the promulgation of the idea condition of the world-come what may, we are now unthat any change or modification in the religious establish- embarrassed in our choice. Until lately, I had flattered ment of the country, was, in any way, to be effected or myself that the acknowledged obligation on the part of accelerated at that Assembly. If we send Deputies there our Government to maintain that condition, was with any such views, however restricted in their powers, firmly fixed as its Republican character. I had the best their arrival will be regarded as a calamity. The commit-reason to think so, because I knew it to be a principle in tee have spoken with great truth of the public opinion in our public policy, which had for its support all that is inthis country on the subject of interference, direct or indi-structive in experience, all that is venerable in authority. rect, with the internal concerns of other States, and espe- That authority is no less than the parting admonitions of rially of that most delicate of all subjects-the religion of the Father of his Country. The earnest, eloquent, and imits inhabitants. On a reference to the treaties between pressive appeals upon this subject, contained in his Farethe Confederate States, it will be seen that the views ex-well Address, are yet, and will, I trust, long remain, fresh pressed are in strict conformity with theirs. It will be in our recollections; nor were the sentiments he thus seen that, on this subject, they were not willing to trust avowed mere speculative opinions, founded upon an abto construction, but inserted express stipulations, against stract consideration of the subject. No! they were sentiany interference with the internal concerns of the respec-ments matured by reflection, and confirmed by actual extive States. as (Mr. VAN BUREN said, that he had thus far discussed the subject without reference to the question, how far the adoption of the measures proposed would conflict with our neutral obligation, and thus conduce to a war with Spain. He then proceeded to the discussion of that branch of the subject; declaring, at the same time, that it had been so fully and so ably discussed by the gentle-"pendence, of the United States, absolute and unlimited, man from South Carolina, (Mr. HAYNE,) from New Hampshire, (Mr. WOODBURY,) and from Tennessee, (Mr. WHITE,) that he despaired of being able to do more than repeat objections which had already been urged with so much cloquence and ability. The remarks he made are not published. He then continued]- The re perience, of the practical results which had arisen from a connexion of the character he so ardently and so justly deprecated. A reference to the history of that period will illustrate the fact, and is replete with instruction. During the war of our Revolution, we entered into an alliance with France, "the essential and direct end of which was, "to maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and inde"as well in matters of Government as of commerce." By the treaty of alliance, we, in consideration of the guarantee by France of the freedom and independence of the United States, undertook, on our part, to guaranty to volution in France involved that country in war with the France the possession she then had in America. I will now, Mr. President, call the attention of the Se-principal Powers of Europe. Her American possessions nate to another view of this subject, to a question of the were brought in danger; and, among other things, claimed gravest character, and most deeply affecting the dearest under the treaty of alliance, she called upon us for the fulinterests of the country-a question growing out of con- filment of our guarantee. At no period of our history has siderations which have heretofore occupied the best our Government been placed in a more humiliating and minds, and interested the purest hearts our country has embarrassing situation. The signal benefits we had reproduced: "WOULD IT BE WISE IN US TO CHANGE OUR ES-ceived from France were known to the world, and fully 66 TABLISHED POLICY UPON THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL CON-appreciated by our citizens. Upon the terms of the comThe President has pact there could be no dispute. The consideration upon "NEXIONS WITH FOREIGN STATES?" said, that, "to form alliances," is not among the motives which we had entered into it, was of the most sacred chaof our attendance at the Congress. But what description racter. But the danger of compliance was imminent, and of alliance does he mean? They are of various kinds, and prevailed over every other consideration. Reposing itself of different extent. We are, at that Congress, to stipulate upon the great principle of self-preservation-a principle in some form, (and I care not in what,) that we will resist extending itself as well to nations as individuals-our Goany attempt at colonization, by the Powers of Europe, in vernment refused to comply with its engagement; and this hemisphere, (or within our own borders if you please,) General Washington issued his celebrated proclamation of and that, in the event of any interference on their part, in neutrality. The grounds relied upon to justify the step the struggle between Spain and the Spanish American were, that our alliance was a defensive one only; that the States, we will make common cause, with the latter in re- war, on the part of France, was an offensive war, in which sisting it. To this end we have been invited, and upon we were not obliged, by the law of nations, to take part; these points we have promised that our Ministers shall that the contest was, moreover, so unequal, and our means have full powers. We must do this, or the whole affair so inadequate, that, upon the principle of self-preservabecomes empty pageantry; which, though it may be the tion, we were justified in refusing to take part with our offspring of personal ambition, will assuredly terminate in ally. It was not expected that France would acquiesce in or whatever the validity of the grounds thus taken. She did not. The national disgrace. Call it an "alliance,' name you please, it is a political connexion, at war with loud solemn protests of her Ministers are remembered; as, And is this a also, the measures resorted to for the purpose of obtainthe established policy of our Government. Light matter? Sir, when it is proposed to subvert a funda-ing, indirectly, some of the advantages claimed from the mental principle in our foreign policy, in the support of alliance: such as fitting out vessels of war in our ports, and which we stand ALONE among all the nations of the earth-enlisting our citizens in her service. England remonstrat | [MARCH, 1826. “ 'may now and then recur, to moderate the fury of party in 1798. ed, made strong imputations of partiality against our Government-imputations founded on suspicions growing out of the known connexion between us and France-and resorted to similar means to annoy her enemies and commit our neutrality. General Washington found it impossible to satisfy either party of the strict impartiality that governed our conduct. The result was war, in fact, with France, and many of the evils of war with England. She enforced against our commerce new and unjustifiable principles of public law on the subject of blockades and articles contraband of war. The sagacious mind of Washington, and the great men who enjoyed his confidence, traced the multi"Although it is very true, that we ought not to involve plied embarrassments of the country at that trying period, "ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep to the treaty of alliance with France. Had it not been for "ourselves distinct and separate from it, if we can; yet, to that, the task of preserving our neutrality would have been "effect this separation, early, punctual, and continual incomparatively easy. There would then have been want-6 formation of the current chain of events, and of the politiing those great sources of discord, unsatisfied claims of "cal projects in contemplation, is no less necessary than if right on the part of one belligerent, and food for jealousy" we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in on the other. It was under a deep conviction of this truth, "order to the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into that that inestimable man was induced to address his coun"the vortex, in season to make preparations against them. "However we may consider ourselves, the maritime and "and commercial Powers of the world will consider the trymen in language like this. I will make no apology for reading it. I hope to God that the time will never arrive when an apology will be necessary for reading any thing to an American Senate, emanating from him, and bearing upon a question before it. Extracts from the Farewell Address of General Washington. "The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign "nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to "have with them as little political connection as possible. "So far as we have already formed engagements, let them "be fulfilled with perfect good faith.-Here let us stop. "Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us "have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must "be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of "which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, "therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate our "selves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of "her politics, or the ordinary combinations of her friend"ships or emmities. 66 “Our detached and distant situation invites and enables "us to pursue a different course. If we remain one Peo"ple, under an efficient Government, the period is not "far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will "cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to "be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, "under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, “will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when "we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by "justice, shall counsel. "United States of America as forming a weight in that "balance of power in Europe, which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but "it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe at least, "if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. "It is a natural policy, for a nation that studies to be neu“tral, to consult with other nations engaged in the same "studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures "ought to be pursued with this view, our treaties with "Prussia and Sweden, one of which is expired, and the "other near expiring, might be renewed." This communication was followed by the nomination of a minister (the present President of the United States,) to Berlin, to carry into effect the avowed object of the mission. This early departure from the principles, and disregard of the precepts of Washington, was met by the united and most vigorous opposition of the Republicans of that day. An attempt was first made in the Senate to defeat the mission, on the ground of its inexpediency. That failing, the appropriation was resisted in the House of Representatives, in a debate that lasted for several weeks. It was the direct cause of the first great collision, between the Republicans of that day, and the then President. A singular and extraordinary similarity will be found between the question then agitated, and the one now under discussion. It was then contended that the United States ought to consult with other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits, and that measures ought to be pursued "Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? with that view. Those measures were understood to be "Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, the formation of political connections, (beyond the ordi"by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of nary commercial treaties,) in order to secure co-operation "Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of in support of their common interest; and further, that it "European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? belonged to the President to decide on the question of "Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent al-the propriety of a mission for that purpose, and that the "liances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I Senate were only to pass on the fitness of the persons no"mean, as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me not minated. What is now contended for, and what the policy "be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to ex-we resist? That, having a common interest with the Span"isting engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable ish American States, we ought to meet with them in Con"to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always gress-in the language of the Secretary of State, speaking "the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage-in the name of the President, for the purpose of "settling "ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my "opinion, it it unnecessary, and would be unwise, to ex"tend them." "several important questions of public law, and arranging "other matters of deep interest to the American Continent." What those matters are, and how they are to be arranged, "In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of has, I hope, been fully developed; and further, that "this an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will" measure is deemed to be within the Constitutional com"make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; "; petency of the Executive;" that we are only consulted to "that they will control the usual current of the passions, obtain our opinion on its "expediency," and because it "or prevent our nation from running the course which is necessary to come to us for "an appropriation, without "has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I which, the measure cannot be carried into effect." Yes, may even flatter myself that they may be productive of sir, the first blow that was struck in that great contest, "some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they which subsequently convulsed the country, and the first MARCH, 1826.] On the Panama Mission—(in conclave.) [SENATE. voice that was raised to arrest the current of events then country. Far beyond the reach of Executive patronage, setting in, were on points, to all substantial purposes, iden- they boldly contended for a principle taught by Washingtical with the present. Is it not a startling, if not an omin- ton, and which has since been consecrated by the approv ous circumstance, that, so soon, under the present admin- ing voice of the People. Their labors shared the fate istration, we should have presented to us, in such bold re- which, in all probability, awaits the exertions of those lief, doctrines and principles, which, in the first year of who, at this day, maintain their doctrines. They were that to which I have referred, laid the foundation of the outmustered at roll-call. They failed, mark it, by a ma. most bitter and unrelenting feuds? Does the analogy stop jority of four. The force of Executive patronage, aide 1 here? The men who then opposed the mission to Berlin by a venal press, was too strong for them. But of what were denounced as oppositionists; as a faction who sought avail was success to their adversaries? A few more such the gratification of their personal views, at the expense of victories, and their ruin was complete. The one party the public good; they were lampooned, and vilified by all succeeded in the House, but the other out of it. The seed the presses supporting and supported by the Govern- then sown took root. The doctrines of the dominant parment, and a host of malicious parasites generalled by its ty, inherently unsound, stood rebuked before the power patronage. Their weight of character, the purity of their and eloquence of their adversaries, and speedily received lives, the consistency of their principles, and their force the condemnation of the People; whilst the opposing prinof reasoning, were alike unavailing. It was sufficient ciple, the principle for which we now contend, was rescued that they dared to think for themselves; to prefer what from the attack that was made upon it, and once more rethey regarded as the interests of their constituents, to the gistered among the special canons of the American policy. wishes of the Executive; to refuse a ready acquiescence Its advocates lived to see it placed upon a footing which they in what was given them to do; and every puny whipster had every reason to believe would last, at least, the short in the land felt himself at liberty, without in the least un-period of their existence. But how uncertain are all things! derstanding the question involved, to misrepresent their "Let no man boast of to-morrow, for he knoweth not acts, and impugn their motives. Respect for this body, and what a day may bring forth." The events of the last month a just contempt for the venal efforts of venal men, re- form a striking commentary upon the text. It is now strains me from pushing the parallel farther. Covering twenty-eight years since this transaction took place, and themselves with the mantle of Washington, the Republicans there are yet two persons on this floor who acted and of '98 labored manfully to strangle, at its birth, this politi-voted together upon that great question. It has been to cal hydra, this first attempt, since the establishment of the me a matter of much interest to witness their course at Government, to subject our political affairs to the terms this day. Of the one I cannot speak, but hope for the and conditions of a political connexion, with any foreign best. The sentiments of the other (Mr. MACON) are on renation. I ask the indulgence of the Senate, whilst I read cord. He is yet the same unwavering Republican that he a short extract from a most able speech, made on that oc- was in '98. The principle now involved is the same as casion by a man whom Mr. Jefferson described as being, then. When that is ascertained, he exhibits neither tremin that stormy period, "the main mast of the ship." It bling nor hesitation. With a mind vigorous, though melshows the striking analogy between the questions. lowed by experience, firmly relying on the Republic, he Extract from the Speech of Albert Gallatin on Foreign In- follows the maxims of his early years. The circumstances under which I speak restrains me. But this much I will "The President of the United States conceives that it say: The man who has occupied a seat here and in the "is a natural policy for us to consult with other nations other House, during every administration of the Govern"engaged in the same studies and pursuits, and that mea- ment, from the second year of its institution to the present sures ought to be pursued with this view. The late Pre- day, and who has been wise enough to estimate, at their "sident thinks it unwise, by interweaving our destiny with value, the miserable illusions of Executive favor, and who "Europe, to entangle our peace, unwise to implicate our-prefers the approbation of his own conscience to the meselves by artificial ties, unwise and unnecessary to ex-retricious smile of power; who can look back upon a life "tend our engagements. His opinion is emphatically expressed by these words, 'Here let us stop.' "But if we adopt the policy to consult with other na"tions-if measures are to be pursued with that view-if "we are to form new foreign political connections; how "can we hope to escape being unavoidably drawn into "the vortex? It was, after having thus communicated his "intention-it was in pursuance of that plan, that the "President thought fit to send a Minister to Berlin. With "Prussia, we have no commerce. Had commerce been "the object of that embassy, Sweden, Denmark, the "Hanse-towns, or Italy, would have been preferred. The "mission is avowedly and evidently of a political nature, "and, if we are to consult and to form connections with "nations, who may, in our opinion, be engaged in similar "pursuits with ourselves-if Prussia is considered as such "with what nation in Europe may we not, and shall we "not, according to circumstances, consult, concert mea"sures, and form political arrangements? It is from this "view of the subject that I have been induced, however "reluctantly, fully to state all the reasons which impress "upon my mind a conviction of the importance of the pre"sent amendment, of the importance of checking at this "time, and in its birth, a system which tends to increase "our political connexions with Europe." 66 86 tercourse. Mr. Gallatin was not alone: Macon, Nicholas, and a host of others, associated with him in defence of principles, in their view vitally important to the future prosperity of the VOL IL-18 thus spent, with an entire consciousness that he never, in a single instance, postponed the interests of his constituents to promote his own; deserves to be regarded as a monument of fidelity and consistency, alike honorable to his State, and beneficial to his country. But to return to the circumstances of that eventful period: The ball of political revolution, which was set in motion by the debate on the Berlin mission, was pressed rapidly forward by successive measures of equally exceptionable character, until finally it effected the total overthrow of the party then in power, and the elevation of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidential chair. The creed of this great Father of our Political Church, was, "Peace, commerce, and honest friendship, with all nations; entangling alliances with none:" In strict conformity to the principle of Washington, advising an "extension of our commercial relations, but as "Hittle political connection as possible. So far as we have “already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with "perfect good faith; but here let us stop!" During the whole of Mr. Jefferson's administration, the whole of Mr. Madison's, and the first four years of Mr. Monroe's, (with a single attempted exception,) the principles avowed by the two great founders of the Republic were respected, and the result was good. The exception to which I allude was this: Influenced by that deep solicitude for the welfare of our Western brethren, which always has, and I trust always will, influence the councils of the country, the Government was, in 1803, induced to offer, through SENATE.] On the Panama Mission—(in conclave. ) MARCH, 1826. Mr. Pinckney, our Minister at Madrid, "to guaranty to citizens. I need not state to this body the fate of that ill "the King of Spain, and his successors, his dominions be- | advised project. The treaty was defeated by a vote of "yond the Mississippi," if he would sell to the United the Senate. A similar one with the Republic of ColomStates his possession between that and the river Mobile. bia shared the same fate; and, although the vote against The desire to obtain the cession, it is well known, grew the English treaty was small, so rapidly did the sentiment out of the dispute relative to the navigation of the Missis- of opposition to the principle increase, that the rejection sippi, and the questions connected therewith. In the dis- of the latter treaty, at a subsequent session, was nearly cussion with our Government, in 1818, relative to the ces-unanimous. Who is there now on this floor, that would sion of the Floridas, Spain brought forward that offer in give his vote in favor of a similar measure? But it seems 1803, claiming that it proposed a guarantee of her terri- that the light of experience has been shed in vain upon fory as far as the Isthmus of Panama, and desiring to make this obstinate propensity to figure in the diplomacy necesit a condition of the cession. The change of circumstances sarily growing out of foreign connexion. The results of since produced in Spanish America, had taught her the the particular measures now referred to, were, as we all immense value of the guarantee. Our Minister at Madrid, remember, contention at home, and dissatisfaction abroad; (Mr. Ervine,) denied that such an offer had ever been a correspondence with England, of not the most friendly made. Mr. Pinckney's letter was produced. A controver- character, in which long explanations were made necessy succeeded as to its construction, which resulted in an sary of the character of our Government, to satisfy other explicit declaration that, under no circumstances, would Powers that the President was not responsible for the the United States make the guarantee in question. The act of the Senate. Explanations were made with great altered state of things had shown that a stipulation, from ability by the then Secretary of State, and subsequently which no harm was apprehended in 1800, could not, in enforced with equal ability by the present Secretary. 1818, be listened to for a moment. By sheer good for- The matter was understood here, and perhaps by the tune we escaped from this entangling connexion. What, Governments to whom those explanations were made; sir, would have been the probable consequences, if Spain | but, to a great part of the world, it appeared that the zeal had accepted the guarantee which was claimed to have of the United States for the suppression of the slave trade, been offered? Instead of being the great patron of the had abated. The high character we had acquired, for Spanish American cause, we might, at this moment, have our early and unceasing labors in that great cause, was been engaged in a war, either with Mexico, for attempt- not indeed destroyed: for that could not be easily effecting to fulfil, or with Spain, for violating our guarantee; ed; but our motives were exposed to misconstruction, and and yet, with all the lights of experience before our eyes, are now misrepresented by those who do not understand it is desired to hurry us into similar compacts, the conse-the structure of our Government. Such, sir, was the conquences of which we cannot foresee, but which we well sequence of this third attempt to surrender the control of know may, by the course of events, compel us either to our conduct, in the support of our rights, or the discharge violate our plighted faith, or act against what may here- of our duties, to foreign association: such the penalty after appear to be our best interests. of disregarding the warning voice of Washington-"never abandon our own to stand on foreign ground." Such are among the least evils that have, sooner or later, in a greater or less degree, been the consequence of political connexions between different nations, at all times, and in all places. Permit me to refer the Senate to a transaction of the same character between other States. In 1815, the Plenipotentiaries from the five great European Powers, viz: England, France, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, convened at Vienna, declared to the world that they would unite their means for the effectual suppression of the slave trade. The settlement of those means was deferred to a future period. At the conference of the Plenipotentiaries of the same Powers, in 1818, at Aix la Chapelle, an attempt was made to agree upon the means necessary to effect their declared object. Then occurred, what always will occur, except in cases of great emergency-like the recent coalitions among the Powers of Europe against that of Napoleon, when the very existence of several of the Allied Powers was involved-the difficulty of agreeing upon the terms of co-operation among nations having different interests, feelings, prejudices, and views. England proposed the extension of the right of search, as the only means adapted to the end. Negotiation was commenced and continued, until, finally, the measure proposed by England was refused, or evaded, by all the Powers, and the conference dissolved, leaving the celebrated declaration made at Vienna, unexecuted, and producing naught but mutual distrust and dissatisfaction: Thus shewing how easy it is for nations to unite in the avowal of a general principle-how difficult to agree upon the means of enforcing it. So will it be with us and our South American friends and neighbors. There may be little difficulty in uniting in avowing as a principle, that these continents are no longer fit subjects for European colonization, or to protest against the interference of Europe in the affairs of Spanish America. But the moment we proceed to stipulate as to the means of enforcing it, difficulties will occur that, in all human probability, will impair the friendly re Our next attempt to form a foreign connexion, other than commercial, was the negotiation of treaties of concert and co-operation with England and the Republic of Colombia, on the subject of the Slave Trade. A brief sketch of the course and consequences of that ill-judged measure, will not be without instruction upon the subject before us. From 1794 to 1808, when the constitutional inhibition upon Congress in relation to the slave trade expired, a system of wise, and as far as the power of the Government extended, efficient legislation, was adopted for the suppression of that detestable traffic. From the latter period to the year 1819, our legislation assumed a wider range, and still more efficient character, until, finally, the offence was denounced a piracy, the punishment due to that crime prescribed, and the Executive clothed with power and means fully adequate to the execution of the law and the suppression of the trade; so far at least as our citizens were concerned. The measures then adopted, effected the purpose for which they were designed. They did more. They extorted from England, who, next to the United States, has recently been foremost in the adoption of means to this end, the unqualified admission, not only that the United States had been the first, but also the most successful, laborers in the cause of humanity. Thus matters stood at the period which I have mentioned. Our Government, unfortunately not content with well, must seek for better, and the negotiations of which I speak were opened. So too with our affairs with the Spanish American States; they stand well; we have done all they expected of us, and more than they had a right to ask. What we have done, has reflected credit upon us, and has been serviceable to them. Not content with this, we are hurrying on in the usual course; partial success is leading us to injurious excess. But to return: the President negotiated a treaty with England, yielding, under certain modifications, the right of search, and authorizing a foreign power to enforce our own laws upon our own MARCH, 1826. On the Panama Mission-(in conclave.) lations now existing between us. They will occur first in the negotiation, and, if these are surmounted, certainly in the application of the principles established, when the tane for their application unhappily occurs. [SENATE. have, of course, no desire to discourage it. But I am against all alliances, against all armed confederacies, or confederacies of any sort. I care not how specious, or how disguised; come in what shape they may, I oppose them. The States in question have the power and the force that Europe can send against them. It is only by being recreant to the principles upon which their Revo lution is founded; by suffering foreign influence to dis tract and divide them; that their independence can be endangered. But, happen what may, our course should be left to our choice, whenever occasion for acting shall occur. If, in the course of events, designs shall be manifested, or steps taken in this hemisphere by any foreign Power, which so far affect our interest or our honor, as to make it necessary that we should arm in their defence, it will be done: there is no room to doubt it. The decision of that question may safely be left to those who come after us. That leve of country, and of freedom, which now animates our public councils, is not confined to us, or likely to become extinct. We require neither alliance nor agreement to compel us to perform whatever our duty enjoins. Our national character is our best, and should be our only pledge. Meanwhile, let us bestow upon our neighbors, the young Republics of the South, the moral aid of a good example. To make that example more salutary, let it exhibit our moderation in success, our firmness in adversity, our devotion to our country and its institutions, and, above all, that sine qua non to the existence of our Republican Government-our fidelity to a written Constitution. But I cannot consent to trespass longer upon the time of the Senate in pushing the discussion of this point fur-means, if united and true to their principles, to resist any ther, although various considerations, operating against the measure, press upon my mind. If it were proposed to form a connexion with any European Power, such as now designed with the Spanish American States, it is hoped and believed, that the measure would not meet with one approving voice-shall I say-on this floor? No, not in the country. But it has been supposed that the United States ought to pursue a different policy with respect to the States in this hemisphere. It is true Mr. Monroe, in h's message, makes a distinction of this character, although he by no means carries it to the extent proposed. If he did, all that the distinction could derive from that circumstance, would be, the weight of his opinion, always considerable, but never decisive. The question still recurs, is the distinction founded in principle and policy? If it be, it must arise from one of two reasons: either the character of the Governments of the Spanish American States, or their local situation; or, perhaps, from both. The United States have hailed the emancipation of those States with satisfaction; they have our best wishes for the perpetuity of their freedom. So far as we could go to aid them in the establishment of their independence, without endangering the peace, or embarrassing the relations of our country, we have gone. More than that ought not to be asked. Nor has it. Sensible of the embarrassments which The local situation of the States in question does not their invitation might produce, they declined to proffer alter the principle, but only bears upon the expediency of it until advised that we desired to receive it. Next to the measure. What is the reason why foreign connexions being right, it is important to Governments, as well as were deprecated by Washington, and have, since his day, individuals, to be consistent. Has the character of these been avoided by our country? It is because, between foGovernments been the principle upon which we have reign Governments and our own, there are diversities in hitherto acted in relation to those States? It has not. situation, interest, feeling, prejudice, and views, which pre. Mexico and Brazil were the last to shake off their depen- clude the probability of preserving the relations we may dence on foreign authority. They were among the first form with them, and greatly increase the contingencies by whose independence we acknowledged. Mexico was, at which our country may become involved with others. the period of its acknowledgment, under the dominion of Apply this reason to the Governments of New Spain. the Emperor Iturbide, and Brazil of its Emperor, Don Wherein consists the similarity between our condition and Pedro. As a special compliment to the Emperor of Mex- theirs, except that we are both in this hemisphere, and ico, we sent, or rather intended to send, to his Court, one that, at this time, most of them have Republican forms of of the most distinguished men of the nation, (General Government, but with powers very different from ours? JACKSON.) At the Court of the Emperor Don Pedro, we We are unlike in all other things. The difference between have our Minister; whilst in the Republic of Peru-the us is infinitely greater, and the intercourse less and more Power with which the first of the treaties, in virtue of difficult, than between us and several of the States of which the Congress of Panama is to be held, was conclud- Europe. Recent circumstances have increased the daned-we have not yet been represented. Do our princi-ger of political connexion, in the form of alliances, of any ples admit that we should adopt the measure proposed sort, with them. The supposed pacific views of the Emwith such reference, and upon such grounds? What are peror Alexander afforded the strongest security against those principles? That man is capable of self-government; the interference of the Powers of Europe in their affairs. that the People of every country should be left to the free is death has certainly involved that matter in doubt and selection of such form of Government as they think best difficulty. The commencement of the war between Brazil adapted to their situation, and to change it as their inte- and Buenos Ayres, ascertained since this subject has been rests, in their own judgments, may seem to require. Eefore us, has multiplied greatly the danger of the step, Wherein consists our objections to the Holy Alliance and should induce us to pause while the matter is yet subBecause they confederate to maintain Governments simi-ject to our control. Although we have not before us the lar to their own, by force of arms, instead of the force of treaty between Colombia and Buenos Ayres, it is underreason, and the will of the governed. If we, too, con- sood that a similar one to those we have, has been enterfederate to sustain, by the same means, Governments simi-e into between those Powers. If so, if the Confederation lar to our own, wherein consists the difference, except is so far completed, then will the other Spanish American the superiority of our cause? What is their avowed motive? Sates be bound to make common cause with Buenos Self-preservation and the peace of Europe. What would Ares in the war with Brazil. The Emperor Don Pedro be ours? Self-preservation and the peace of America. I wish is the lawful successor to the throne of Portugal; the ter to be understood. I detest, as much as any man, the prin- ritory of Brazil is guarantied by Portugal, and that of ciples of the Holy Alliance. I yield to no man in my Portugal by England. If such is the case-and so, speakanxious wishes for the success of the Spanish American ing from general recollection, I understand the facts to be States. I will go as far as I think any American citizen-how very probable is it that the casus fœderis, the interought to go, to secure to them the blessings of free-go-ference of any European Power with the affairs of Spavernment. I commend the solicitude which has been nish America, will soon occur-upon the happening of manifested by our Government upon this subject, and which, we are to plunge this, now free and happy coun |