H. of R.] : Such being the result, he would ask the House were disposed, even by implication, to evince, unde e isting circumstances, such a distrust of the Executive, a to believe he would wantonly and uselessly withhold fo the House information-information which they sough practical effect of the proposed amendment of the gen-human ingenuity could shape or devise. We shall get tleman from Pennsylvania Would it afford to this House the same information precisely, whether we adopt or reany further information than the House could or would ject the amendment: and, being worse than useiss, be derive from the Executive department, under the resolu- should vote against it. tion as it now stands By what process of reasoning could the gentleman bring his mind, or the minds of this House, to the conclusion that they would derive more information by giving the resolution a shape such as he contemplated, than by suffering it to remain in its present situation The proposed alteration is only calculated to be opera-for, and declared necessary to enable them to act unde tive as it implied a want of confidence in the President of standingly? It would be against his own interest to p the United States. It could, in fact, have no useful effect, sue such a course. He is pledged and connected to except in reference to a dereliction of duty in that officer, world, to the nation, and to this House, as having appr if it could even have effect in that aspect and although, ed the policy, by accepting the invitation to send m (Mr. P. said) he was not disposed to yield himself up impli-ters to Panama. His pledge is evidenced by his messi citly, in relation to confidence in the President, or to pin his to this House. He depends on us to redeem this plede faith upon the Head of any Department of the Government, He must, of course, feel a strong solicitude to have th yet he was not disposed to withhold that confidence, unless sanction of this House. He cannot proceed without it. he was warranted in so doing, by some information, or We may, in this view, confidently expect full information some fact, calculated to diminish reasonable and proper But, till the information came, he should not, blindfold, exconfidence. Was this House prepared now to say, that, press his opinion on the subject of the mission. He would by an official act of the President of the United States, he not trouble the House with his crude notions and sugges has justly forfeited that confidence which was due to him, tions on a subject upon which we profess to be uninforme and which ought to subsist between the co-ordinate and ask for light. He would not, in the dark, specate branches of this Government? If any circumstance had upon the objects, purposes, and ends, to be attained a taken place, which would warrant such a conclusion, our participating in the affairs of the Congress. Ne Mr. P. said it had not reached his ear. So far as the Pre- would he say that we ought to meddle in the matter. sident stands in relation to this House-so far his course Mr. P. begged leave to make one more remark befr had been of that character as not to destroy a reasonable he took his seat, as having an operative influence on and fair confidence in him. Thus, Mr. P. said, the neces- mind in the vote he had already given, and the rete sary effect of the proposed amendment would be, to imply intended to give. It was in reference to a resolete a want of proper confidence: because, if the Presidented by an honorable gentleman from Pennsylvana, acts with good faith, the necessary result would be, that he had in his eye, and the reading of which he had a he would, upon the call recommended, communicate all for at an early stage of this debate. On this resist the necessary information. It would only be in the event the House was compelled to express an opinie, 1700 of his acting in bad faith, that he would withhold it-pro- subject of the proposed mission. The subject was vided the safety and interests of the nation did not require tinctly before the House: we are bound to deles him to do so. Surely such would be his course. If he upon it and vote. Being thus obliged to expres should not act with good faith, could the House, or the opinions, it was certainly not only desirable, but gentleman, by giving his shape, or any other shape, to the tial that we should have all necessary informat resolution, make him observe good faith? No. If he ble us to act understandingly; and in this view were disposed to withhold the information from the House, was proper. As to the time of making this ca or if he were disposed to make it his duty to the House, said, there was, in the resolution, no time and its call, or to the nation, they could give no shape, within which we expected the communication to be however imperative it might be, to any resolution, to drive The time was a proper subject for the exercise of him from his course, and to act with good faith. cretion of the President, always holding him for the observance of a proper decorum towards a Mr. DRAYTON observed, that it was certain ject of deep regret that so much time should be by the discussion of a question like that which p pied the House. For himself, he conceived t substance, there was little difference between the tion, as proposed to be amended by the gentes Pennsylvania, and as already amended on the the gentleman from Massachusetts. But, two might differ very little in substance, and yet grea their import. The introduction of a single word, t might not change the sense of a proposition, sufficient to present it in a different shape, and, loading a resolution with exceptions and profiss do not entirely destroy its substance, we may weaken its effect. Whether provisos were repeate so often, or whether they were not inserted at a practical result would be the same; because, let the call in the most imperative form we can conc and let us insert into it a requisition for every doc and paper, and for every species of information be imagined, would not the President, when he the communication, withhold such documents, and information, as he supposed the public good should not be communicated? No difference, the as to the authoritative effect of the resolution, Mr. P. said, he had no apprehensions that the President would not observe good faith to this House, in relation to this matter, and he hoped, sincerely, he should be able to say so hereafter, as it regarded every other great and important interest of the nation. If in this hope he should be mistaken, he should not be silent. Mr. P. repeated, that the proposition, if important, must be based on a want of confidence in the good faith of the President. If he acts with good faith, we shall have all the information he has, if it be safe and proper to communicate it, under the resolution as it now stands. He is a co-ordinate branch of the Government. His power to exercise discretion in this matter, is sanctioned by the example of Washington, and, in the exercise of that power, he will give or withhold information, whatever shape we may give the resolution, or whatever langague we may employ. If we give the peremptory aspect to the resolution, that was asked by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, would his object be more certainly attained? Mr. P. said, no. It could not alter the result, in any aspect in which he could view the subject. The President would either give or withhold, in reference to his own judgment, any portion of the information that he may think proper, in the exercise of his constitutional power. If the President, in violation of his high duties, intended to withhold from this House any information in relation to this subject, or any other, he should despair of removing the difficulty by sult from agreeing or not agreeing to the motion of there was = FEB. 3, 1826.] Congress of Panama. [H. of R. view in which this became of some importance. It is from New York, (Mr. Woon) ascribed to him words which certainly proper that this call should so be framed as to he had never uttered, and assigned to those words a show to the President whether we are anxious for this meaning which he certainly had never intended to express. information or not; and to him it appeared that, if the The gentleman represents me as having said that this proviso should be repeated in the resolution, the House House has nothing to do with the present subject. Sir, would seem to express to the President that they wish I never said so; but I did say, that I thought the House him to be particularly careful as to the extent of his com- had nothing to do with its discussion at the present time; munication; and in this it appeared to him that the great and it does really seem to me extraordinary, that the difference consisted between the amendment of the gen- House should consume so much time on a question which tleman from Massachusetts and that proposed by the gen- may never come before it, unless we should resolve ourtleman from Pennsylvania. If the former prevails, the selves into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Executive will perceive, on the face of the resolution, Nation, for the purpose of discussing an abstract propothat the House feels lukewarm on the subject, and is dis-sition as to the policy of sending Ministers to the Congress =posed to furnish him with pretexts for not fully giving of Panama. the information. But if the call is to go in the unqualified tform desired by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, no such inference can legitimately be drawn. He held it to be the duty of the House to be economical of its time: for, added Mr. D., make what speed we can, there is always, at the close of the session, a vast arrear of unfinished business. Suppose the information required were obtained, what practical use could now be made of it? I know of none, excepting that the act of this House might be supposed to give an impulse to the too deliberate movements of another branch of the Legislature. Cases have occurred, in which information relative to treaties has been refused. If such information could be refused, could it be upon a better ground, than that Ministers, to negotiate the treaty referred to, had not been commissioned, might never be commissioned, and that the treaty might never have an inception; and, if it were refused, for the reasons assigned, should we not, by these long debates, have been consuming time, which our constituents intended we should employ in a very different manner? Should we be called upon for appropriations, we should then be entitled to ask for information. When thus called upon, it will be soon enough to ask for information, and then we should act upon that information practically and usefully. In the course of this discussion, several remarks had been applied to his honorable friend and colleague, (Mr. HAMILTON) who was not now in his place, in which he did not think that gentleman had been fairly treated. The resolution had been called his, and the gentleman from Massachusetts had said that his honorable friend had alternately adopted and repudiated his own offspring. But how had his colleague done this? Was it not from the first manifest, that, owing to causes which his friend, with his usual candor and frankness, had stated to the House, he did not think the House ought then to pass the resolution? A similar resolution was afterwards offered by another gentleman, and the question being put whether the two resolutions were not in substance the same, the Chair had decided that they were. And, with the consent of the mover of the latter resolution, the resolution of his colleague was considered before the House. What then was the conduct of his honorable friend? So little desirous had he been of being considered the author of a resolution which he had not pressed, that he wished to withdraw it, and suffer that of the gentleman from Ken- A question had been asked by the gentleman from tucky to take its place. But this course was forbidden Massachusetts, which appeared to him to be a very exby a rule of the House. He was therefore obliged, by traordinary one. After he himself had moved the amendcircumstances, to consider as his own, a resolution whichment which is now before the House, and which calls for he did not press, and which he, in fact, desired, should this information, the gentleman inquires for what purpose not, at that time, be considered. Now, every gentleman we want it? Whether we are to add to or to limit the must know, that there was often as much consequence in instructions given by the President to our Ministers? No, the time at which a resolution is offered, as in the form sir. We are not either to add to, or take from, their inwhich may be given to it. Various amendments were af structions. But we need this information, if we do reterwards introduced, and as his friend was not permitted quire it, in order to guide our judgment, and enable us to withdraw his resolution, he consented to those amend- to act when it shall be proper for us to do so; because, ments, under the impression that they improved the ori- if the mission, when explained by the information, shall ginal resolution. Afterwards a proposition was offered appear to us to compromit the honor, the neutrality, or by the gentleman from Massachusetts, which, though it the interests of the country, it will be our duty to refuse had the form of an amendment, and by rule could only to make appropriations for carrying it into effect. be received as such, was, in fact and in truth, a substitute it has been ratified, we could not, constitutionally, refuse for the resolution of his honorable friend. This new reso- the appropriations which its execution might require. lution contained a duplication of provisos, as to the discre- Mr. MITCHELL, of Tennessee, now moved an adtion of the President in making the communication re-journment; and the question being taken, it was decided quired, and this produced an essential difference in the in the negative. tone and manner of the call. His friend was, therefore, justly entitled to consider this resolution not as his, though, in point of form and rule, it had to be so considered by the House, and he had an entire right to act toward it as if in fact it had been the resolution of the gentleman from Massachusetts. When, therefore, the gentleman from Massachusetts, in a vein of pleasantry, talked about his friend's adopting and repudiating his own offspring, he must have forgotten that he was himself the parent of the bantling which he assigned to another father. Mr. D. added, that he had been induced to make these remarks, because his honorable friend and colleague was absent, and had not had an opportunity to defend himself. Mr. D. went on to observe, that the few observations he had addressed to the House some days before, appeared to have been altogether misunderstood. A gentleman After Mr. MÅLLARY now renewed the motion for the previous question; but the House refused to sustain the motion-Ayes 69, noes 110. Mr. MITCHELL, of Tennessee, said, though the hour was late, he wished to say something to the House on this subject, but it was with peculiar diffidence that he should do so, seeing that certain men, who were pursuing certain measures, would be opposed to hearing him. He had always thought, till recently, that he knew something of human nature, but he now found that he was a mere novice. He believed he had less feeling on this subject, than most of those who had undertaken to say any thing about it. He had hitherto said but little, and he intend d to say still less, in relation to it, but it might happen that he might cast some idea into the minds of some individuals, that might be useful to them; though he should H. of R.] Congress of Panama. [FEB. 3, 1826. not attempt to convince them on the Hudibrastic princi- might probably be thought necessary; but Mr. M. said. ple: for "He that's convinc'd against his will, To such as these, he addressed no argument. He spoke to those who would think-to those who would listenand who had not applied to the Delphic oracle for opinions. Mr. M. said he was one of those, who, let their minds be never so limited, thought for themselves. The ninety thousand people whom he had the honor, for their misfortune and his happiness, to represent, had sent him here to think for himself: he was not sent here to allow others, however high their standing, or brilliant their talents, to think for him. Their thoughts might be more brilliant and freer, but they were their own and not his, till he adopted them. And now, a few words to the subject: and he would attempt first to answer some of the arguments of the gentleman from New York. That gentleman seemed to oppose the proposition of the gentleman from Pennsyl vania, on account of its novelty: it was a new matter, and, therefore, we must have a precedent for it. He did not wish to treat the argument of the gentleman with ridicule, but he must ask his pardon for doing so: for it put him in mind of a story he had heard of a boy, who was carrying a bag on his back, with a pumpkin at one end, and a rock at the other, and when he was asked why he did so, he said, why my father did so before me. If they talked of precedent, they went on the ground, that, heretofore, they had acted in a particular way; ergo, they must do so still. It is never too late, Mr. M. said, to correct an error. Now, as to precedent, he thought it was impossible, in the annals of the history of this nation, we could get one for the subject now under discussion. They might look back to those annals, and they would not find even the vestige of one. When did ever a case like this present itself to the House? Where was one to be found, bearing a similitude to it? None, he was sure, had ever taken the devious and strange course which this proposition had taken. When it was first introduced, they had no feelings on the subject; but it was laid on the table, and there rested for a while but it afterwards rose up, foaming on them like soda water. What was all this for? What was all this feeling manifested about? A while ago, they did not want the information, and now they do. If it was right formerly, it is right now. Mr. M. said he had asked for a little information on this subject, in the earlier part of this investigation, but he had received none. Why, therefore, was it asked for now? On the other hand, it was said, it was all right; it was quite consistent this information should be furnished; but, whatever you do, dont have too much of it; their eyes were weak, and they might have such a blaze of information as would palsy every exertion of their minds. Mr. M. said he thought he was able to resist this effulgence. But they were not to have it: for, if they did, they would become as wise as the President. What is it, then, that gentlemen so much fear? Why is the resolution so guarded? In his mind, Mr. M. said, it was a sort of advertisement to the President, which says, we ask you to give information, but we dont want you to give all the information. Why were those words so often used? Why were they so tautological, unless with a view to communicate to him that, though you are asking for information, in truth you do not want it? There could be no other reason that he could see. The gentleman has said there could be no precedent for this mission. Mr. M. would tell him, in reply, that such a case had never occurred, and if it had not occurred, how could they expect to find a precedent for it? The gentleman from New York said, a case might present itself, where this course if there was any case on this earth that presented itself for the deliberations of freemen, that required a fair inves tigation of its whole contents, this was one. What was it they were about to do? Mr. M. said le would take up the President's language, and on that he would view the matter. [Here Mr. M. quoted that part of the President's mo sage, which relates to the mission to Panama.] This was what the President had said, and this was the foundation of all this inquiry, this argument, this expr sion of feeling, this brawling for the question. Look at it for a moment, and what was it? The President sn we are to partake in the deliberations of this Amphictyonic council, but we are to take special care not to violate the neutrality which we hold to England, to Spain, and other Powers. This, it was said, was not a Holy Alliance: but, if it was not a holy one, it must be unholy. The President had told us, we were to participate in the deliberations; ergo, in the debates of this Congress; and we must, therefore, have some Nestor, some Socrates there, some philosopher of the old times, whose mind was so trained that he would not deviate a hair's breadth from the line of conduct he ought to pursue. This was a good cause, Mr. M. said, why they should make the inquiry in the most peremptory manner, why he had accepted the invitation. We could not possibly interfere in their concerns and conclusions, without taking part, one way or the other; and he begged leave to call the atten tion of the House to the language of one, whose spirt perhaps hovered over this assembly, which he was the very means of founding: they ought to reflect and de liberate coolly, agitated by none of those feelings of as perity towards the powers that be; neither were they to eulogise, and place unbounded confidence in the same power; but they should act, as it became Americans ta act-as Representatives of a free and enlightened People, to whom they were to give an account of their conduct; as well as to that tribunal, to the bar of which they must all, sooner or later, appear. [Here Mr. M. quoted that part of Washington's Fare well Address, which relates to the policy to be pursued by America towards foreign Powers.] Let us, said Mr. M., be free from entangling alliances; let us be distinct, as our motto imports: “e pluribus unum"-one amongst many; let us be as a towering bea con to man in pursuit of liberty; but never let us mingle in the disputes of other nations, and involve ourselves in their policy. Our distinct situation requires us to take care of our own concerns, and not to meddle with those of other nations. Why were we to send Ministers there? The President has said it shall be done, and the gentleman from New York has said, we ought to have unbounded faith. Mr. M. said he was no sceptic; he had as much faith as that gentleman could reasonably expect, in the President of the United States, though he had been denounced in some of the little hircling prints, (he did not allude to those in the city of Washington) as an oppositionist. He repelled the foul charge. He would have taken the same course he had done if he had been raised at the foot of Quincy Hill; but because he was a Tennessean, because he was free, and was not ashamed to speak what he thought right, he was to be set down as an oppositionist. He would, he said, support the Administration where he thought it was in the right, and he would oppose it where he thought it was wrong; and he would have opposed the Administration of his friend, General Jackson, had he attained that high station, with the same feeling that be would the present Administration, if he believed they were acting wrong. He believed, in his conscience, and before God, they ought to have all the information on this subject; all that the President is possessed of, they ought FEB. 3, 1826.] Congress of Panama. to have. They had been forced, prematurely, into this question. They were anticipating the measure by running into the investigation of a subject not before them, except as it would operate in the minds of the public, or somewhere else, and there was no use in it; but if they were to have information, he asked for the whole of it; and if this was not a case where the necessity existed of calling on the President, he would ask the gentleman to point out one to him where it would exist. It was one, he thought, of the most important character to the liberties of this country; and there was not, he imagined, one that could come within the grasp of the human mind, which would present stronger results. The gentleman had said, we have had the information, ; and we have seen the extent of it. But here was no argument. He says, be quiet-let your fears flee from youbelieve that all is right. Believe in whom? Believe in the President, and all is well! Mr. M. was no sceptic; he had every reasonable kind of faith; but, from the imposing attitude that had been assumed, these words ought to have been added-believe and you shall be saved; he would then have had no objection to it, because it would have been a fine scriptural quotation. Mr. M. said he never believed, till he was convinced; and, when he was convinced, he would admit it. What commercial treaties, said Mr. M., could be concluded at Panama? Do we not carry on our treaties with those Powers as we do with England? Do we not send our Ministers there, to enter into negotiations, and when these are completed, do we not have a treaty, which is to guide not only the Powers that are parties to it, but it is published to the world, that all may know the nature of our commercial connections? If we are to have any thing of this kind at Panama, let the President tell us, if he can, what kind of a treaty it is to be, and what is to be the extent of its operation. The gentleman said we might carry this Treaty into operation, provided the President and the Senate shall both concur in it. Mr. M. said he should hesitate long before he raised his puny arm against the powers of this Government. His rule was always to act in the negative, till he was convinced of the course he ought to pursue; but as this matter was to be carried on in this way, to tell them, if you don't get this information you cannot act, and at another time, if you get too much light you will destroy the whole affair; this, he thought, was not treating them fairly; it was at one time raising the cup of expectancy, and the next moment dashing it to the ground. [H. of R. meant by an argument of this sort. He would say, as the The gentleman had further said, they should leave all this to the discretion of the President. Mr. M. said, when he who was never surpassed by man presided in the Presidential chair, did they leave it to his discretion when he refused to give information on an important subject? No, they voted a censure on him for this refusal Then the People were free, and political faction had not raised its head in this country. A measure of so much importance ought not to be left to the discretion of any individual. The President says, Ministers will be commissioned. Mr. M. therefore took it for granted, they ought to have the information on which this declaration was made. They might say to the President, you have made this unqualified declaration, and there must have been strong reasons on your mind to have induced you to do so; communicate your reasons to us, and then, if they are satisfactory, we will coincide with you, and do what we constitutionally may do. The gentleman had said, that no man could imagine but that the President was desirous of communicating this information. To that, Mr. M. said, he would answer, that they had a right to conclude there would be no harm in asking him to do that which he was willing to do. Nor could the President think it any violation of decorum on their part in doing so. The gentleman from Massachusetts, on his left, Mr. M. said, had told them that there could be no doubt that the President would communicate all this information. He feels as great a desire to communicate all within his pow- Hitherto, Mr. M. said, we had remained free from entaner, as any member on this floor can do to have it commu-gling alliances; we stand alone; we have given the nanicated, because he rests on the affections of the People just in the same ratio as the members of either branch of the Legislature rest on their affections. Let this be true -take it as an axiom, and what does it lead to? Nothing that would enable us to decide whether the measure is useful or not. Mr. M. could not agree with the gentleman, that the whole utility of this Mission would be defeated by the information being given. If there was any utility in it, he would ask the honorable gentleman to inform him what it was. He should like to have facts to rest on. He should like to know how it would operate usefully. In a commercial way, at least, he supposed it was intended for useful purposes. Though some salutary influence might grow out of it, might not the stream become corrupted whilst they were drinking at the fountain? Were they to enter on this investigation with their eyes shut? The gentleman had said, if we get all the information aked for, it would destroy the utility of the measure. Mr. M. said he was incapable of determining what was to be tions of the South the recognition of their independence; we have given them the light of our experience; we have extended the right hand of fellowship to them; and what more had they a right to ask or expect at our hands? But now we are to be placed in a different situation. The President has pledged himself that we shall meet them in this Council, and we, the Representatives of the People, are asking for the grounds on which this solemn promise was made. Those who have spoken most in his favor, say he is willing to do it, but, at the same time, they put a kind of silent advertisement into the resolution, which says don't do it. Was it not right, Mr. M. said, standing as we did, distinct from all the nations of the earth, that we should have all the information on which this solemn pledge had been given? Let it come, and then, he might be one of the first to say that the President had the best reasons for pursuing the course he had done. All the difficulties in his mind might be removed when it was presented; but, in the name of God, let them have the whole, and not a part of it. If the President had the 11. of R.] Congress of Panama. [FEB. 3, 1826. power of withholding it now, he would have the same of our objects? The gentleman has judged rightly, in power in future, and they would not get it. Mr. M. did supposing this point could be best illustrated by an ex not intend to commit himself as to the course he should ple. Without resorting to his own ingenuity, he has ta pursue in relation to this measure. It might possibly hap-ken one from among the numerous conjectures of the g pen that light might come which would dissipate the mist which was now spread before his eyes, and he should then be enabled to decide on the course he was to take. Mr. KREMER moved that the House adjourn. The motion was negatived. tleman from Louisiana. We want, probably, to for commercial treaties, and, as the gentleman from Masa chusetts says, to prevent the European Governments ire being placed on a better footing than ourselves; if the is known, these Governments will use means to defeate This example was most unfortunately chosen. All the gentleman supposes cannot be disclosed without dange is known to all the world. If we wished peculiar favor we might have a motive for concealment : this cannot be we have too often protested that we desire but equality of treatment, in commercial affairs, to ask any favors from South America. Mr. FORSYTH, arising in reply, said he would detain the House but a few minutes. He could not forego the temptation, to bring the House to a precise understanding of the points of difference between himself and the gentle man from Massachusetts, (Mr. WEBSTER.) They agreed that, practically, the question of commitment was unimportant. Having similar views of the duty of the President, both expected a full disclosure, under the resolu In order to make out danger from disclosure, in the tion, as it stood, or if it should be modified. Mr. F. was example, the gentleman is compelled to go into specific in favor of the amendment, on principle. The gentle-detail. We do not want to know what sort of treaties of man from Massachusetts is against it. Why, sir? Not on commerce, alliance, and of confederation, the President account of practical effect. That is disallowed. On prin- intends to make: but does he propose to make treaties of ciple-or, to use the gentleman's own and selected qua- commerce, alliance, or confederation? Mr. F. was surlifying epithet-pure principle; an epithet not chosen prised that the gentleman had not taken another of the with his usual professional accuracy. The principle of a conjectured objects brought up to view by the gentleproposition is either correct or erroneous; not pure or man from Louisiana, one of great and peculiar interest, impure. Although coming to opposite conclusions, they and of the most delicate and difficult character. The were both satisfied that the decision to be made was, theo- destiny of Cuba and Porto Rico may be discussed at Panaretically, important. What says the gentleman now ? ma. Mr. F. thought the reason might be found in the liThe ground formerly assumed is abandoned-usage is mitation fixed in the President's Message. We cannot given up-it is admitted there is no precedent. But the sit in judgment on Cuba and Porto Rico, consistently case now before the House is analogous to the cases here- with that neutrality from which it is neither our intention tofore adjudged. Where is the proof of this resem- nor the desire of the other American States, that we blance? The discretionary words, as the gentleman says, should depart. being admitted to be proper, in the part of his resolution that relates to "correspondence," properly belongs to that part which relates to "objects," as they are part of the same subject. This is rather slender; the analogy too remote. Mr. F. would present to the consideration of the gentleman, a case for information, relating to the same subject, to which, even he, would not think the discretionary words should be added. Suppose a call on the President for copies of the Treaties, made by the Spanish American States, about this Congress, and comniunicated by our Foreign Ministers to the Department of State would the gentleman leave to the discretion of the President, what part of them he would communicate? [Mr. WEBSTER observed, certainly.] Mr. F. said, this answer was so extraordinary, that there must be some anistake; the gentleman could not have understood his question. [Mr. W. said, the treaties alluded to might have been secret treaties, and communicated in confidence.] The gentleman from Massachusetts had asked, with great emphasis, if the words " "present war, were in the President's Message, and if not, where did they come from? Mr. F. replied, neither the words "present" not "future war," were in the message, nor "war," in the part of it of which he then spoke. The President speaks of "neutrality;" that neutrality which is incompatible with deliberations in Congress with the Spanish American States. What does he mean, if it is not neutrality in the present war? The gentleman may be satisfied with the security given by this clause, that our neutrality in all fur ture contests, will not be endangered. Mr. F. wanted better assurance of it. Mr. THOMSON, of Pennsylvania, rose, and observed, that he should not detain the House one minute. If he could agree with his colleague, (Mr. IsGBAM) as to the construction to be given to the restrictive clause in the resolution, he should vote with him; but he was not of opinion that that clause, where it occurs in the first Mr. F. continued. Secret Treaties were never com- part of the resolution, covers all the residue. This, howmunicated, confidentially, to third Powers, if they were ever, said Mr. T. was not the reason which induced me not expected to become parties to them. He said, how-to take the floor at this late hour. [It was now past four ever, that the gentleman had not caught the precise idea o'clock.] One thought had struck him, which had been intended to be conveyed. Mr. F. spoke of public pub- suggested by a very weighty remark made yesterday by lished treaties, which members might wish to use in the the gentleman from Delaware, (Mr. McLANE) who ob discussion, and the authenticity of which would be shown served, that it was of the utmost consequence that this by their communication from the Department of State. Government, when acting towards foreign nations, should In a call for these, on the same subject of the Panama present a firm, unbroken front. Now, supposing the Congress, the introduction of the discretionary words amendment of my colleague to prevail, and the restrictive would provoke the smile of the President, at the extreme clause, where it last occurs, to be in consequence stricken caution of the House. No one could seriously insist, that out; suppose the President, when he receives our unthey could be appropriately introduced. qualified call, as to the objects of the Congress, and the nication of them. We shall then have to settle the ques tion, whether this House shall submit to such refusal, or whether it shall repeat its application to the President. Two co-ordinate branches of the Government will then be brought face to face, in open conflict. Sir, said Mr. T., I do not wish to see my country placed in such an attitude before the world; and that I may give no possi The gentleman, however, produces a stronger argu-powers of our Ministers, shall refuse to make any commument. The reason of the discretionary words, in a call for correspondence, is, that no injurious disclosures may be made. This reason applies to the call for an explanation of our objects in going to Panama. This is the true and only point of difficulty, and, on the discussion of it, Mr. F. was content the decision should be made. Will the disclosure of our objects prevent the accomplishment |