H. of R.] Appropriations for Fortifications. (JAN. 27, 1826. sume, the responsibility of this system of defence : it does not belong here; it rests on others. We are not to take charge of the location of these forts, or the extent and d tribution of their strength. We should expose ourselves to ridicule and censure if they are placed wrong. I hope we shall take no more responsibility than what propert is imposed on us. We know where and how to find those who are responsible for the proper application of these funds to a wise and scientific system. I will not conser to relieve the Executive Department from this responi bility, and take it on ourselves. They might, perhaps, n the end thank us for it, but I do not choose to oblige them in this way. Leave it in their hands, where it proper belongs; and if the funds which we here vote for the par ticular purposes specified in this bill, are ignorantly me applied, or corruptly dealt with, I will go as far as amy gentleman here to detect and punish the offenders; but! cannot agree to make myself answerable for that respons bility which we properly impose on those whose duty it is to carry into effect our measures. It has been said, sit, that this was an unusually early period of the session to bring forward this bill. It is, indeed, so; and we have had complaints at every session that the public service suffered by our delay on the appropriation bills. The year has already commenced, and its annual funds have not been voted. So injurious has this delay been, that it has been already proposed at this session to provide an earlier commencement of the appropriation year. Instances have often occurred where the Departments have been obliged to ask the Banks to make advances for the public service, on the faith of future appropriations for the year. It is quite time that we remedied this inconvenience; and I hope that we shall not postpone the bill now before us to any future day. If we mean to pass it at all, we should act upon it now. We may embarrass the Department, which is responsible for executing the duties of the law, by withholding the means of performing these duties; but a no good reason appears to me for the delay, I trust that the House will refuse the postponement. our legislation suffer? Is there to be no stability in our systems? Are we to upturn and root out all we have done thus far, because we have now found out that we do not precisely comprehend all the details of these works because we are not Engineers? Shall we stop these appropriations till we have sent to West Point and brought the Professors down, and send ourselves, new and old members too, all to school? If we want all these minute military qualifications to enable us to settle these questions, which have been started on this bill, we may want the same knowledge and science for other bills too. Shall we now turn cadets and sit down to our books? Is it necessary that we should be military men? officers? Generals Engineers?-to know whether the national interest require certain great prominent inlets to our country to be defended Why should we not, sir, carry this thirst for knowledge to all lengths? Why not extend it to the Navy appropriations? If we are to begin anew at every session with these inquiries, and are to have nothing settled, why not now refuse the appropriation for the gradual increase of the Navy, till we have inquired of the Department and ascertained whether our ships are built on good models-whether they have not too great a draught of water-if their guns are of a proper and most useful calibre-and how many square yards of canvass is required to stretch the mainsail of a 74 We may as well call for this kind of information, in my opinion, as to ask for the details of the particular location of our forts. I know nothing, sir, of the advantages of the location of these works. I have confidence in the military skill and integrity of the agents of the Government to whom these matters belong, and I am willing-nay, I feel bound, in voting for these appropriations, to repose my confidence in the Department to which these duties belong. I am no military man and know nothing of engineering, and shall never study the science. If I had these details here, I should know no more of the subject than I now do. But this I do know, that the Navy requires shelter and protection in war; and that our great Atlantic cities and bays must be defended. Can we carry on the Government without it? Are we to profit nothing by the calamitous experience of the late war? The destruction of the fortifications in this bill strikes at the whole naval defence of the country. Suppose, sir, that the system, in our imaginations, or in our sober judgments, to be different from our scientific views, and we change it, we conclude that our predecessors have acted unwisely. The next Congress which comes after us, pass the same judgment on our doings and change all our schemes of fortification. Is this the true or the prudent course of legislating on such a subject? The last war has given us an instance of the kind of national defence which such a system of defence, (if system I ought to call it) would furnish. One General who came to Sackett's Harbor, erected a wooden fort of basswood logs, and located it according to his notions of engineering his command of the post lasted about three months. Another, I believe a militia Colonel, defended another point, which he deemed important, with a redoubt: his command soon passed away, and another General came; he patched up the first rudiments of a work, which some naval officer had once begun, and created Fort Tompkins: by-and-by, a wooden fort appeared at the head of a street. On another side of the Bay, another succeeding General built Fort Pike: a fifth, sixth, or seventh, built up a set of picketts and stockades; and, at last, to render these Mr. B. said, that he had understood the gentleman perscientific combinations of skill perfectly impregnable, a fectly. That part of the plan which was all important militia General surrounded the whole with a chevaux de which it was deemed necessary to conceal from foreign frize! Are we now to run into a system of fortification nations, lest they might take advantage of the information which is to end in the same way? I understand nothing which it imparted, had not only not been exhibited to the of engineering, nor do I consider it my duty to know any new members, but they had not, before this day, been in thing of it: and I am willing, for one, to place a reasonable formed of its existence. This was the case as it regarded confidence in those who I believe do understand it. I will himself, as well as most of the old members of the House not agree to take on myself, nor that the House shall as-Sir, said Mr. B., has the gentleman from New York, hi Mr. BUCHANAN said he should vote in favor of the postponement, for reasons entirely different from those which had been urged by any other gentleman. He would, therefore, take leave to state them to the House. Before he did this, however, he felt himself bound to notice the remarks which had been made by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. STORRS,) upon the observations which had been made by his colleague, (Mr. STEVENSOY.} The gentleman from New York, (Mr. STORES,) thinks it wonderful that my colleague should ask for more time to make himself acquainted with the subject. Sir, said Mr. B., I would ask how new members could have obtained information? Must it not have been by intuition It was impossible that they should have procured it in any other manner. The Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means has informed us this day that the system of for tifications, about which we have heard so much, 252 which we are now called upon to carry into execution, was never published, but remains filed among the private archives of this House. Did the new members know the fact? Certainly not. How then were they to obtain the information? [Mr. M'LANE here explained, and stated, he had said that only so much of the plan as it was deemed politic to conceal was among the private papers of the House.] 1185 JAN. 27, 1826.] Appropriations for Fortifications. [H. of R. self (Mr. Stonns) read all the reports which have been ing into effect a judicious system of fortifications, yet I presented to this House at different periods upon the sub-think there is the strongest reasons for granting the delay The Department then asked for five ject of fortifications? Is he well acquainted with their which has been asked. In 1822, Congress had this subwhole contents? I will venture to hazard the assertion, ject before them. much respect as I feel for his talents and his industry, that hundred thousand dollars. The House got all the inforI can propound to him twenty questions of importance, mation they could obtain: they discussed the question fully, having immediate relation to the fortifications provided and decided that three hundred and seventy thousand dollars was sufficient. They granted this sum; and, for the for by this bill, not one of which he can answer. first time, designated the particular objects to which it should be applied. They did not then act upon the doctrine of confidence which has been recently avowed; but He has introduced a new and danger-reduced the estimate of the Department. In 1823, five I considered this sum was then established hundred thousand dollars was granted, and I approved of the measure. as the annual appropriation, in analogy to the appropriation granted for the gradual increase of the Navy. Since that time, however, the appropriations for fortifications have increased in such rapid progression, that we are now dollars for the present year. In addition to this sum, there asked for the sum of seven hundred and ninety-five thousand remained in the Treasury, on the first day of the present year, more than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars of the appropriations for the last year which had not been exIn the short time pended. If you pass this bill, therefore, you will grant nearly a million of money to be applied to the erection of fortifications during the year 1826. which has elapsed since 1822, you will have nearly trebled your annual appropriation. I should not now object to five hundred thousand dollars; but, before I can vote for a greater sum, I wish to know precisely the means of the Treasury for the present year, and compare them with the necessary objects of expenditure. We have been told, said Mr. B., by the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, that there will be sufficient money in the Treasury, gradually to pay our debt, between this time and the end of the year 1829; and, in the mean time, the sum asked for by the present bill, may be applied to fortifications, and all the other proper expenditures of the country may answer; Sir, said Mr. B., it is not necessary, judging from the principles advanced by that gentleman, that he should be acquainted with the subject, concerning which he has been called upon to act. ous doctrine into this discussion, which I trust and hope never will prevail. Confidence in an Executive Department was, with him, to take the place of knowledge. And why Because, forsooth, we are not Engineers; and, therefore, we are incapable of judging. The will of the Engineer Department is thus to become the law of this House. The principles which the gentleman has advocated carry him to this fearful extremity. He said, that he hoped the [Mr. STORRS explained. gentleman from Pennsylvania would only answer what he had said: that he had urged that the House ought not to take on itself the responsibility of details which belonged to the other Departments: that he, for one, would not consent thus to invert the responsibility of the Government. As to his own knowledge on the subject of location of the forts, and the science of Engineering, Mr. S. said, that he had no doubt, and willingly confessed, that the gentleman could, indeed, put to him a catechism which he could not and he might, perhaps, justly add, that the whole House, including the gentleman from Pennsylvania, would be apt to answer it about as correctly as he himself could.] Mr. B. thanked the gentleman for the compliment to himself. He did not know whether it was sincere or not. He would, however, follow the French maxim, and when expressions were susceptible of two constructions, he Now for would take them in the most favorable sense. the argument. Sir, said Mr. B., the gentleman in his ex-be made. planation has, in substance, repeated the doctrine I imputed to him. I will state to the House what my opinion is upon the subject, and it is very different, indeed, from We should repose a Mr. BUCHANAN said, he did not misunderstand the that advanced by the gentleman. He understood him to mean' proper degree of confidence in the reports made to this House by the Executive Departments, whilst we believe gentleman from Delaware. them to be worthy of confidence. It is our duty, however, the six per cent. war debt, and would have so expressed to examine and to consider their representations; to re-it, if the gentleman had permitted him to proceed. The judge their judgment; and to decide upon their recom- gentleman had also declared that, within that period of mendations, justly and impartially. We must, in every time, a large portion of the debt due to the Bank of the matter of legislation, act upon our own responsibility. We United States might be liquidated. Sir, said Mr. B., on cannot release ourselves from it, and impose it upon the this subject I doubt exceedingly. Much respect as I feel Department, as the gentleman has contended. I think, for the opinion of the Committee of Ways and Means, and therefore, that my colleague has given no just occasion for for that of their Chairman, I must still be permitted to been told, that report will soon be made to the House. the remarks which the gentleman had thought proper to doubt, until I see and examine their report. We have inake. We shall then be able to decide what proportion of the public money we can, with propriety, apply to fortifications-and what to other objects. We should not take so much for one important object, as will prevent us from making any appropriations to objects of equal importance. The sum which we think it prudent to withdraw from the payment of our debt, should be fairly distributed; so as to Mr. B. concluded by saying, it was probable we should give a part to all the great objects of national interest. gain time by the delay of one week; and that the bill might, in that event, be passed as soon, as if it were now urged upon the consideration of the House. Mr. B. said, he felt friendly to the erection of fortifications. He was not willing that we should retrace our steps; but thought we should proceed cautiously and wisely, having a proper regard to what our means would justify. in his opinion, his colleague (Mr. STEVENSON) had erred in comparing the fortifications proposed to be erected in this country, with those in the interior of Europe. It was true, that, in the annals of modern warfare, these fortifications had been left behind and disregarded; and Generals had penetrated into the countries whose frontiers had been fortified, without fear and without danger. This arguinent, however, did not apply to our fortifications. They are intended to be placed upon our coasts, our bays, and at the mouths of our large rivers, to afford protection to our great commercial Cities against Naval attacks. Indeed, they may become important for the defence of our own Navy. Notwithstanding, said Mr. B., that I shall vote for carry [Mr. McLANE here observed, that he had not stated the whole national debt would be paid in 1829: it was the six per cent. debt-the war debt, to which he had referred.] Mr. BAYLIES said, that, as the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Woon) had travelled out of his course, as far as Oregon, to allude to him, he trusted he should be ex[Mr. WOOD explained. He had not had the slightest cused if he took the liberty to allude to that gentleman. intention of reflecting upon the gentleman. The Oregon Territory, having been mentioned by him, as the only place to which we could with safety flee, when our homes were left defenceless. he had casually adverted to the honorable gentleman, as the Chairman of the Oregon Committee. He had the highest respect for the member; and in relation to such a migration to Oregon, he felt inclined to exclaim "Nil desperandum, Teucro duce, et auspice, Teucro."] [JAN. 30, 1826. which had been thrown up in a few days: but behind the One further remark. Some gentlemen from the Wes seemed to complain, because a due proportion of the pub lic money has not been expended among them. thought this complaint a little unkind. Whenever p propriation for any Western object has been asked, h had voted for it. When he first came to Congress, n thousand dollars was wanted for the Cumberland Road, it was voted, but the President had constitutional scruples. and the bill was returned: twenty-five thousand dollars was afterwards asked for the same; it was voted: sixty or seventy thousand dollars was asked for removing the obstructions to navigation in the Ohio and Mississippi; it was voted Every request which had been made from the West had been complied with. He was willing that half a million should be appropriat ed. He saw no immediate and pressing danger, which required the appropriation of a larger sum. Mr. VANCE asked, who was the gentleman from the West, to whom he had referred.] Mr. BAYLIES resumed. The gentleman has said, that there is no excuse for not understanding this subject. Are we, sir, to come here and be censured like schoolboys, because we have not learned our lessons? He had been in Congress five years, and yet he had not been able to understand this subject in all its parts: neither could he | see his way clear, to vote for this bill. Why? Because this general system, as it is called, is constantly varying. For four years, we received, annually, a schedule of the works which were contemplated, divided into three classes; this year we have another schedule presented to us. Is it the same? No, sir. Eight new works are added to the first class; eight to the second; and three to the third. If we cannot comprehend a system, which is constantly changing, the fault is not ours: and if the Department of War cannot keep steady to its own system, are we to be Mr. BAYLIES said, that he did not allude to the gen blamed for pausing for a week to consider it? He had, tleman from Ohio, but to a gentleman from Pennsylva heretofore, voted all the appropriations which were ask-nia, and the gentleman from Illinois; who had not, it wa ed: he had done so, because he then thought that our con- true, made any direct charge against the Eastern menfidence ought to be given to those whose duty it was to bers; but rather spoke in a tone of complaint, as if the inplan these works, and to estimate the necessary expendi-terests of the West were disregarded. Before he sat down. tures. It was worthy of remark, that sums annually ask- he wished to make another remark. Much had been sid ed, have been annually increased: four years since, half a about the payment of the national debt, and its magninde. million was asked, and three hundred and seventy thou- Its magnitude did not alarm him; but he would pay it, sand dollars voted: the next year more was asked, and not because it was large, but because it was small. Some more was voted and these estimates have now swelled politicians believed, that a public debt was a public curse. to a sum, little short of eight hundred thousand dollars; others, that it was a public blessing. A public debt is a and, including the unexpended balance of former appro- public blessing, when it strengthens and secures the union priations, to nearly a million. He was not disposed to of a great Confederacy, by its equal and extensive distre adopt the new doctrines of confidence-implicit confi-bution. It is not a public blessing, when it does not adence. He would require something more than bare as-swer that purpose; when it is held by foreigners, chat sertion, before he gave his confidence. by a very few of our own citizens. The House then adjourned to Monday. : MONDAY, JANUARY 30, 1826.) The resolution, moved on Friday by Mr. COCKE, cal account of James Monroe, late President of the United States, was taken up in its order. He had some doubts as to the efficacy of this system. Even military men differed in opinion about it. He had the good fortune to reside (when at home) in the neighborhood of a military gentleman of distinction, a Revolutionary officer, once in the family of the Commander-inChief, (General Washington.) He had often conversed with him on this subject, and he entertained no confidence in the efficacy of this system of defence. Still he was will-ing for copies of the settlement of certain items of the ing to vote an annual sum, to continue the experiment; for he was disposed to consider it an experiment only, not as a system which had been tested. But he was still will- Mr. BRENT inquired what was the object of the gen. ing to wait a little while, to ascertain whether any further tleman from Tennessee, in proposing this resolution. A information would be furnished. He thought with the report had been already made at this session, upon the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that bayonets and stout call of another member, which, Mr. B. presumed, enhearts were our best defences. Some of the most suc-braced all the information which could be necessary on cessful defences, have been made behind very slight this subject. works. Bunker-hill was defended behind banks of earth, thrown up in one night, and loose hay thrown in between hurdles. In 1817, Mr. B. said, he was in Canada. In company with some other gentlemen, he viewed the massy works of Quebec; after returning to his Hotel, when dining, he observed to the gentlemen who had accompanied him, that it seemed to him impossible for human effort to make any impression on such works. A servant, who had been a soldier in the Peninsular war, was in attendance at the table: he exclaimed, "St. Sebastian's was stronger, and yet we took it." He was an Irishman, and he spoke in the fullness of his heart. And who were the men that took St. Sebastian's' They were the veterans, who attempted to storm the American lines at New Orleans. And what were those lines? A trench, and bank of earth, Mr. COCKE said, it would afford him pleasure to furnish to the gentleman from Louisiana the information which he had asked. The documents on the subject, received at the last session, and referred to the select committee, stated in gross the three items which had been admitted to the credit of Mr. Monroe, by the accounting officers, on: of the items 4, 6, 7, & 8 of his accounts, which had remained unsettled for a considerable time; and in regard to which, finally, the Secretary of State, Mr. Robert Smith, wrote a letter to the Auditor, directing the Auditor to pass to the credit of Mr. Monroe the three first. leaving item the eighth suspended. On looking at the information received the other day, on this subject, Mr C. said he perceived that the same items continued to be stated in gross., The object of this resolution, then, was, to have those items stated in detail, being shewn by no document which had yet been placed before the House. Mr. C. recapitulated the general statements of these items. No. 4 being for expenses incurred in England, for presents, contingent expenses, &c. $5,539; No. 6, for expenses incurred in a mission to Spain, &c. $10,598; and No. 7, for extra expenses of that mission, not included in the -above, $1,461. The letter of the Secretary of State directs, in the name of the President, that these several charges should be admitted to the credit of Mr. Monroe, except the eighth, which was to remain suspended for consideration: The object of the resolve was to get these accounts in detail. They might be such as he should be very well satisfied with; but he could not, as long as he was unacquainted with them, say whether he should or not. Mr. BRENT said he did not feel satisfied, from the statement of the gentleman from Tennessee, that this resolution ought to prevail. The honorable gentleman wished, if he now understood him, to call for the details of an account, which had been settled at the Treasury fifteen years ago. Before this information was called for, Mr. B. wished to know, from the honorable gentleman, how he meant to apply it when received; undoubtedly, if he had no object in view, and wished to make no use of it, the House would not act on his resolution. [H. of R. man who met your enemy, and shed his blood at Trenton, and, when weltering in his gore, was carried from the field by one of my own constituents; a man who has been your Ambassador to Foreign States; who has twice been chosen Governor of his own State; and whose name will live in history, when these columns have crumbled into dust. This is the man, Mr. Speaker, to whom it is now asked, to deny the common rights of a citizen. Sir, I hope that the opposition to this claim has not had its orgin in disappointed pride. If such have been the feelings towards him of hungry expectants out of doors, whose wishes were denied under his administration, I hope, sir, that, at least, they will not be found in activity on this floor. Mr. ALSTON observed, that his voting for the one consideraresolution would depend entirely on tion. If it was expected that any items, in the accounts of the late President, which have already been passed upon by the Department, are now again to be brought forward, it would certainly be proper that this But if it was intended merely resolution should pass. with a view of exposing items which have been already decided and settled, and which are not now to be the subject of any judgment by this House, it would be altogether improper and unnecessary. He thought that, Mr. COCKE said, if he was not mistaken, the gentle-after an account had been examined and acted upon, man was one of the committee appointed at the last ses-fifteen years ago, it was improper that it should now sion on Mr. Monroe's request, to re-examine those ac- be examined again. The gentleman from Tennessee counts, for the details of a part of which this resolution must know what use he intends to make of these items proposed to call. In his message at the last session, Mr. when obtained, and would no doubt state it to the Monroe had told that he wanted a revision and re-exami- House. nation of those accounts. On that subject a committee had been appointed at this session; and it was desirable that when the House came to act on the subject, it should have information respecting all the items of the accounts. It was the request of Mr. Monroc himself, that all the items of the accounts should be re-examined. If this subject was to be no further stirred, Mr. C. said his application would be useless, no doubt. But, if it is to be looked into, said he, let us take it fairly into examination. I suppose, sir, the gentleman now understands the object I have in view. If a balance shall be due to Mr. Monroe, on a fair investigation of his accounts, I say he ought to have it. But, when we come to investigate his accounts, if we find that he has received pay for items which he ought not to have received pay for, whilst others have been suspended which he ought to have received, it would be fair to balance the one against the other. Mr. PEARCE observed, that he could perceive resono reason why the person concerned in this lution should, on account of the distinguished offices he had held in the State, have a different course pursued in respect to him, from that which was adopted in regard to the meanest and humblest citizen of the Republic. His claims are before a Committee of this House; that Committee has not made any report upon them; and, while it is yet in their hands, a resolution is introduced which takes from the hands of the Committee a detached part of the account with a view, as it would seem, to work upon the prejudices and feelings When the Committee of the People, to his injury. make their report to this House, all the items will be presented, and the House will then judge of them. Sir, I would extend to this claimant no favor that I would not as readily extend to others; but he is entitled to the same measure of justice with any other individual. If this resolution is adopted, the next motion, I suppose, will be, to publish these items, and to spread them before the People, before the House has acted on the subject. And who is the man, to whom the common privileges of citizens, before this House, are to be denied? A man who has for eight years been President of these United States; a man who has fought your battles; a Mr. INGHAM observed, that the relation in which he stood to the committee to whom this subject had been referred, would, he hoped, excuse him for making a few remarks before the question was taken. In answer to the inquiry suggested by the honorable gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. ALSTON,) he could state that the accounts of which the detailed items were proposed to be inquired into, had not, as he understood them, any relation whatever to the items claimed by Mr. Monroe; but were entirely distinct from them, and could give no aid in Mr. 1. said, forming an opinion of any part of the claim." that, seeing so many efforts were making by members to obtain the aid of the House in procuring information on this subject, he owed it to the committee to state, that, notwithstanding the seeming imputation of negli gence which these resolutions might imply, they had engaged in the duty assigned them immediately after the papers were put into their hands; and being aware that the House had adopted a resolution, calling for information, the committee had determined to wait for the answer. In the mean time, he had addressed a letter to the Secretary of the Treasury, inquiring whether that answer would contain all the information the Department could furnish on the subject of the claims of Mr. Monroe; to which the Secretary had replied, that it would contain all the information in the Department. Notwithstanding all this, when the answer was received, the committee had directed their Chairman to make a further inquiry from the State Department, for which they are now waiting. From these facts, it would be seen that the committee could not be charged with any ne. glect of duty, or disposition to give this subject a su perficial investigation. If, however, the House thought proper to interpose, and obtain further information, he was not disposed to complain; nor would he, said Mr. I. wish to be understood as opposing the adoption of the resolution before the House; but he wished to call the attention of members distinctly to one consideration inThe detailed items volved in the proposed inquiry. alluded to in the resolution, are accounts which have been long since settled by the proper officer, in relation to' which there is no controversy now; and if it was intended H. of R.] Congress of Panama.-Appropriations for Fortifications. that the committee should re-examine all the details of the various settled accounts of Mr. Monroe with the Government, in order to ascertain whether there may not have been some allowance made to him so liberal or improper as to constitute a proper offset against his unsettled claims, he would only say, (said Mr. 1.) that such a procedure had never been adopted in relation to any other claim ever presented to this Government; and there was no reason why this inquiry should not extend to every other settled account of Mr. Monroe, as well as to the items named in the resolution. [JAN. 30, 1825, Colombia, and Central America, to join in the deliberas of a Republican Congress, to be held at Panama. Leng and patiently have I waited, said Mr. M. on the gentl from South Carolina, in the hope that he would cos to take up and consider the resolution which had been offered by him several weeks ago, on the same subiert But, as it has not been his pleasure to have it taken in, I am anxious to obtain, for myself, my constituents I the public, as well as for this House, all the informa which can be had in relation to this interesting sabiert Shall it be said, Mr. Speaker, said Mr. M. that the Repel He could not suppose, said Mr. I. that the House did of the United States, which is hereafter to be honored so intend for it was well known to every member who with the title of the great Mother of Republics, on had ever settled an account at the Public Offices of this received an invitation to send Ministers to deliberte, m Government, that they were settled with a rigor, bor- doubt on subjects very deeply and alike interesting te dering, as we sometimes thought, on injustice; at all events all the parties, and perhaps, among other things, to bo with an extremly rigid and severe hand. But should the a consultation upon the great principles of Republican House determine to apply this rule to this case, as an ex- Government, a knowledge of which is rapidly extending ception to all others, the committee would not complain; itself, not only in this, but in other and distant hemis they would endeavor to perform whatever duty the House pheres; and which is hereafter to add so largely to the might think proper to assign them. In order, how-grand total of human happiness and enjoyment; and that ever, to give members a little more time to reflect days, weeks, and months elapsed, before the kind inupon the subject, and determine how far it would be vitation was even responded to by one of the conproper to adopt this course, he had risen for the pur- stituted authorities-and that which is composed of the pose of moving to lay the resolution on the table. He immediate Representatives of the People Shall we sit would beg leave to state, before he made the motion, here in cold and heartless indifference, shivering as it (as the gentleman from Louisiana was precluded by the were with a sleet of ice around us, and talking about a rule from replying,) that that gentleman was not, as thousand other things of so much less importance, etik had been said by the gentleman from Tennessee, a mem- our constitutents are hailing with rapture and del g'a ber of the Select Committee, either at the last session, these newly born Republics or the present. He would now move to lay the resolution on the table. Mr. M. had proceeded this far, when Mr. MDUFFIE rose to the question of order, deeming it contrary to arder to debate a proposition before it was in possession of the House. He did this, he said, with great reluctance in this case, but from a sense of duty. Mr. METCALFE, being asked to submit his propose tion, presented the following: Mr. COCKE, desired the gentleman from Pennsylvania to withdraw his motion for a moment, which request having been complied with, and Mr. C. having obtained leave to speak a third time, he observed, in explanation and reply, that those items which had been suspended, the accounting officer had not considered himself authori- Resolved, That the President of the United States be zed to pass, and it was in consequence of this, that other requested to communicate to this House such informa and extraordinary means had been resorted to, in order tion, documents, or correspondence, touching the into have them allowed. It was far from his intention to vitation to be represented at the Congress of Pamm, impose upon the Committee any burdens of unnecessary which has been received by this Government, from the labor. But it was Mr. Monroe himself who asked that Governments of Mexico, Central America, and Colombia, these items might be re-examined. He had applied for as may be communicated without detriment to the public compensation for services rendered anterior to the settle-interest. ment of his accounts. The items in question which the resolve referred to, were general charges, stating no particulars. There were but few of them, and it would not be much labor to ascertain whether the details were to be found in the Department. The resolution contemplated The House then resumed the consideration of the bill no more. One word to the gentlemen from Rhode Island-making appropriations for fortifications-the question Here Mr. INGHAM interposed. He consented to with-being on the motion of Mr. FORSYTH,to postpone the bill. draw his motion, that the gentleman from Tennessee, Mr. McLANE, of Delaware, in rising again to address might have an opportunity to explain, but, if he proceeded to general debate, he must again renew it. This resolution, by the Rules of the House, lies over one day for consideration. FORTIFICATION SYSTEM. the House on this subject, said, he could assure the Host, that he did it with the greatest reluctance; and he should Mr. COOK said, that the resolution appeared to him not do it-because he never rose to address this House entirely unnecessary. The mover spoke as if it was without experiencing more or less pain-but under an inwished only to obtain the items of a suspended account: perious sense of public duty. He had been particularly whereas the express words of the resolution refer to ac-appealed to by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and incounts which had been settled. Mr. C. moved to lay it on the table. The question being then taken on laying the resolution of Mr. Cock on the table, it was decided in the affirmative, ayes 69, noes 47. CONGRESS OF PANAMA. Mr. METCALFE, upon rising to offer the following resolution, said, that it was his intention, before he resumed his seat, to submit a resolution which was intended for the consideration of the House, on to-morrow, or shortly thereafter, calling on the President for information respecting the invitation, which had been received by this Government, from the Governments of Mexico, vited, in a spirit of accommodation, to suffer the bill to lie on the table. In declining to accede to this request, Mr. McL. said, he was influenced by no illiberal feeling, and if he could do it consistently with his public duty, nothing would give him more pleasure than to comply with the wishes of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, or of any other member who might make the same request. He would now inform that gentleman, that, since he had made that request, he had reflected on the objects of the gentleman from Georgia, now absent from the House, in his call on the Department for information, whose objects, he believed, considering him to be a devoted champion of the system of defence, were very different from what had been supposed: and, feeling it to be his duty, to ascertain, |