MARCH 1, 1826.

Negro Slavery in South America-Amendment of the Constitution.

[SENATE.

people, are of vital importance to that district and de- Mr. RANDOLPH again rose, and said he wished to scription of country, and not altogether contemptible, whe- supply an omission in the remarks he had made. It is, ther in point of extent or numbers, not quite unworthy of said he, generally of public notoriety that the Island of being taken into consideration in the deliberations and Cuba has been in a state of alarm froin a threatened invadecisions of this body, and of the Federal Govern- sion from these Spanish American States; and that the chief ment. He would not detain the Senate farther than to cause of that alarm arises from the principles of those suggest, that he had heard that this great man-he had States in reference to this very question. Cuba, possessno doubt he was a great man-a good man-there were ing an immense Negro population, which has been ina great many such great and good men─LAFAYETTE was creased since the destruction of St. Domingo, incalcula one of them at the commencement of the French Re- bly, by importation, as well as by natural means-Cuba volution-would not hear of any parley at all with what lies in such a position, in reference to the United States, they called the imprescriptible rights of man; they play- and especially to the whole country on the Gulf of Mexed the whole game, they would not hear of qualification, co, as that the country may be invaded from Cuba in rowand we see what this desperate game has eventuated in-boats; and, in case those States should invade Cuba at all, extremes always beget one another. This General Boli- it is unquestionable that this invasion will be made with var, called the South American Washington-as every this principle-this genius of universal emancipationman, said Mr. R. now a days, who has commanded a pla- this sweeping anathema against the white population, in toon, is a Cæsar or a Hannibal, a Eumenes or Sertorius front; and then, sir, what is the situation of the Southern at least so he is the South American Washington. I re- States? I throw out these only by way of hints; it would member, sir, that when the old Earl of Bedford, when he not be decorous, in a preface to a resolution, to enter into was condoled with by a hypocrite, who wished in fact to an elaborate argument, which I could do. This is one of wound his feelings, on the murder of his son Lord Russel, those cases in which the suggestions of instinct are worth indignantly replied that he would not exchange his dead all the logic in the world-the instinct of self-preservason for the living son of any man on earth. So I, Mr. tion. It is one of those cases in which our passions instruct President, would not give our dead Washington for any our reason. 1 shall not consider whether the President living Washington, or any Washington, that is likely to of the United States will send these Ministers or notlive in your time, Mr. President, or mine; whatever may He says he will do it, and he is generally understood to be the blessings reserved for mankind in the womb of be a man of his word-at least, as much so as to do what time. I do know-the world knows that the principle he has officially said he will do. But I must consider how of the American Revolution, and the principle that is far I feel disposed, by my vote, to pledge Virginia in the now at work in the peninsula of South America and in common cause of States possessing these principles-and Guatemala and New Spain, are principles as opposite as to place our neutrality at the disposal of a belligerent light and darkness-principles as opposite as a manly and Congress. rational liberty is opposed to the frantic orgies of the French Bacchanals of the Revolution, as opposite as a manly and rational piety is opposed to that politico-religious fanaticism, which, I am sorry to see, is not at work only in the peninsula of South America and new Spain, but has pervaded, or is pervading, all this country, and has insinuated itself wherever it can, to the disturbance of the public peace, the loosening of the key-stone of this Constitution, and the undermining the foundation on which the arch of our Union rests. No, sir; they are as different as light and darkness-as common sense and practice differ from the visionary theories of moon-struck lunatics.

Mr. R. then gave notice that he should respectfully ask for the consideration of the resolution to-morrow morning.

AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION.

Mr. BENTON, of Missouri, from the Select Committee, to which was referred the proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States, with respect to the appointment of Senators and Representatives to offices under the Federal Government, made an argumentative report on the subject, of considerable length, and, it may be added, of much ability, concluding with proposing the passage of the following joint resolution, on the principle of which, the report states, the committee was unanimous:

"Resolved, &c. That the following amendment to the Constitution of the United States be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of said Constitution:

"No Senator or Representative shall be appointed to any civil office, place, or emolument, under the authority of the United States, until the expiration of the Presidential term in which such person shall have served as a Senator or Re^ presentative.”

The report and resolution having been read

Mr. DICKERSON, of N. J. inquired whether the committee had not agreed to recommend that the exclusion from office should apply not only to the time for which each Senator and Representative should be elected, but to one year thereafter?

The Message of the President is before the world. The President of the United States has told us that he will act, and that he has the power. Let him-let him act-let him act on his own responsibility; but let the American People-and especially that part of the AmePican People that portion of them who reside South of the Ohio, and South of Mason and Dixon's line-know what are the deputies whom hereafter we are likely to receive in return from them, in character and color to our Congress-that is what I want to see. I want this to open their eyes-I want, instead of public opinion re-acting on us from uninformed public bodies, however respectable; from toasts given at public dinners, however respectable the guests; a holy Alliance of liberty in opposition to a Holy Alliance of tyrants-I want the good sense of the People of the United States to be informed as to the fact; having the most perfect reliance on their decision when they shall have the facts, and having a disposition to submit most implicitly to that decision, whether it shall agree with my opinions or not: From these causes, I move that the President of the United States be requested to lay before the Senate such information as may be in the possession of the Executive, touching the principles and practice of the Spanish American States, or any of them, iate colonies of old Spain, in regard to The resolution was then, on the motion of Mr. BENNegro slavery-I will submit the motion in writing. TON, read the second time, and made the special order [Having done so; and the resolution having been read—] | of the day for next Monday week; and, on the motion of

VOL. II-9

Mr. BENTON replied, that the committee had not agreed on the precise terms of the resolution, but only on points on the substance, not on the form. On the principle reported, the committee were unanimous.

Mr. RANDOLPH said he liked the suggestion of the gentleman from New Jersey, and not the less, said he, because it agrees with one of high authority, Horace, who says, "Nono prematur in anno.'

Mr. HOLMES, 1,500 copies of the report and resolution were ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. EDWARDS, of Conn. the Senate then proceeded to the consideration of Executive business, and continued with closed doors until four o'clock.

THURSDAY, MARCH 2, 1826.

NEGRO SLAVERY IN SOUTH AMERICA.

The Senate took up for consideration the following resolution, submitted yesterday by Mr. RANDOLPH:

"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before the Senate such information as may be in the possession of the Executive, touching the principles and practice of the Spanish American States, or any of them, late colonies of old Spain, in regard to Negro slavery."

The resolution having been read, and the question being on its adoption

(MARCH 2, 1826.

fore, though it is no very great time from this to Monday, yet, as that day is assigned to a special order on the amendment of the Constitution, I cannot consent-and I hope the gentleman will pardon me in saying so-I cannot consent, by my vote, to the postponement-deeming it equivalent to a rejection of the motion-though, if it be the pleasure of the Senate to decide against me, I shall submit to it, as I always do to the majority, I hope with decency-but without the slighest change in my opinion-as to the expediency of the course proposed.

Sir, said Mr. R. I can say with a sincerity of heart that no man can question the truth of, that it is a matter to me of mortification and distress, that I have had so often, of late, imposed upon me, as I conceive, (whether truly or falsely,) the duty of throwing myself on the attention of this body. It has not been my habit elsewhere; it has not been my habit of late years more especially-Indeed, I have understood, since I took my seat in this body, that an imputation of a contrary nature-that I should be here an inactive member, a slothful public servant-was feared Mr. HAYNE, of South Carolina, said he had listened by some, even of my friends, and was the strongest with great attention, and certainly with much interest, to amongst the objections of those candid adversaries, who the eloquent remarks made by the gentleman from Vir- damn with faint praise-to my being here at all, and while ginia, (Mr. RANDOLPH,) yesterday, on the principles and I disclaim that motive, it is possible that I may be unconpolicy of the new States of South America, in relation sciously actuated by it. But, sir, under the circumstances. to the slave question. It was a subject on which no one, in which I stand-in the place in which I stand-[Mr. R. coming from the part of the country which he represent- was standing in Mr. TAZEWELL'S place, who is absent on ed, could possibly be indifferent. The gentleman from account of family sickness]-in the situation in which the Virginia had given us a clear, and, doubtless, a very accu- State of Virginia is placed by the absence of my associate rate statement of the principles of these new States. Mr. and in which I am happy to say she is placing and has H. believed, that the facts connected with this subject placed herself in array-in array against this Government were notorious, and were as well known to the Senate -no, sir, not this Government, but the mal-administration now, as they could be from any communication the Exe- of it-it is under these circumstances that I have been, as cutive could make in answer to the call proposed in the I conceive, bound in duty to offer my, perhaps, crude gentleman's resolution. Whether the Proclamation, at- conceptions--but which have been as well concocted as tributed to the LIBERATOR, was genuine or not, this long and patient thought could digest them-to the atHouse and this Nation are not now to be informed that tention of this body. I know, sir, that the habit of frethe new Republics were marching under the banner of quently addressing this, or any other legislative body, universal emancipation. Mr. HAYNE was, therefore, in- but this body more especially-has a tendency to cheapen duced to doubt the necessity of calling on the President far greater talents than any that I possess, or ever laid for information which was already in their possession. claim to, and to impair the value even of the greatest abiCertainly such a call ought not to be made, unless there lities. I know, sir, that, in this body, which is in itself a was some reason to believe that it would furnish us with Congress, consisting of deputies from sovereign and insome facts with which we are not already acquainted. Mr. dependent States, co-ordinate and co-equal; where the HAYNE said, he did not rise to oppose the resolution, but least is equally on a footing with the greatest-where a merely to suggest the propriety of postponing the consi-State, which sends but one member to the other House, deration of it for a few days, in order to give time for is on a footing with one that sends forty, and on a footing further deliberation as to the necessity of acting upon it. there, too, under certain contingencies-foreseen and Having some doubts on that point, he hoped the gentle-provided for by the Constitution, that, for any individual man from Virginia would not object to the postponement member too frequently to obtrude himself on its attention, of the resolution to Monday next, which Mr. H. moved is fatal not only to any little reputation that he may have accordingly. Mr. RANDOLPH then rose, and said, I had certainly what is of far more consequence-to his capacity to be happened to acquire in the course of his public life, but not intended to have said one word more on the subject useful to the Power that sent him here. It is a wise and of this resolution, in case it should not meet with opposi-salutary jealousy on the part of the Senate. I know, sir, tion; and, as a matter of courtesy, certainly should acqui- that this is a body, above all others, in which they "shall esce in the request of the gentleman from South Carolina, not be heard for their much speaking;" in which "vain if there was any probability of getting the motion taken repetitions" do as little good as we know they will do in up on a day fixed for the proposed amendment of the another place; and yet, sir, circumstanced as I am, I am Constitution. But, at the same time, I hope that gentle- compelled not only to break through that rule of propriman will pa. don me for saying that the fate of my reso-ety, which otherwise would restrain me, but to be guilty lution reminds me of a very favorite old Spanish pro- sometimes of those very "vain repetitions" also. May I verb of mine-or, although I am not very much smitten, hope to be pardoned for this, not only in consideration of or innoculated with the Spanish American fever, yet, the the peculiarity of my situation-of my condition-but in old Spanish prover's are great and deserved favorites of consideration of a defect-whether of nature or of educa mine, being perhaps be most pithy and pungent in the tion, it is perfectly immaterial-perhaps proceeding from world: it is this--save me from my friends and I will take both-a defect which has disabled me, from my first encare of my enemies. trance into public life, to the present day, to make what is called a regular speech-which, sir, like some other regular things, although constructed according to every rule of criticism, is sometimes extremely dull-not always convincing. There is no positive fault in the speech, of composition; the unities are all preserved-there is no

I did not apprehend, said Mr. R. that any gentleman here would have raised any opposition to this resolution. Sir, this session is drawing to a close I hope: for it will very soon be time to plant corn. Under existing circumstances, I wish this resolution to be acted on now; there

MARCH 2, 1826.]

Negro Slavery in South America.

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fault to be found with it, but as to its general effect, which to you, sir. I know what your answer will be. I know is a want of effect altogether. Sir, although I give to the what will be the answer of every husband, father, son, and subjects submitted to the Senate the most patient consi- brother, throughout the Southern States; I know that on deration; though I turn them, and re-turn them, over and this depends the honor of every matron and maiden-ofeveover again, in my mind, yet when I come to utter the re-ry matron, (wife, or widow,) between the Ohio and the sults of that rumination, I am compelled to do so as an ir- Gulf of Mexico: I know that upon it depends the life's regular-rather as a partizan officer than according to the blood of the little ones, which are lying in their cradles, regular art military; as an improvisatore-that I believe is in happy ignorance of what is passing around them; and the name which the Italians give to those who speak, not not the white ones only: for shall not we too kill-shall without much previous thinking indeed, but without the we not re-act the scenes which were acted in Guatemala, book, or even without notes. Sir, in respect to these re- and elsewhere, except, I hope, with far different success; gular arguments, it has often struck me that they resem-for if, with a superiority, in point of numbers, as well as of ble, in more regards than one, the modern invention of a intelligence and courage, we should suffer ourselves to be, chain bridge-which, provided the abutments and fixtures as there, vanquished-we should deserve to have negroes are perfectly strong, and provided there is no defective link for our task-masters, and for the husbands of our wives. in the whole chain-are amongst the finest and most useful This, then, is the inestimable object which the gentleman specimens of human ingenuity: but, sir, when we reverse from Carolina views in the same light that I do, and that you the proposition-when the abutments are not sufficient-do too, sir, and to which every Southern bosom responds: a and there is one single link which is defective-one is as chord, which, when touched, even by the most delicate good as bad rather, as a thousand-that one is fatal to hand, vibrates to the heart of every man in our country. the whole structure, and souse down into the water comes I wish I could maintain, with truth, that it came within the unwary passenger, who trusts himself to the treacher- the other predicament-that it was a small danger-but it ous edifice. There are artists, indeed-and some of them is a great danger-it is a danger that has increased, is innot far off either-who have the skill to elaborate those creasing, and must be diminished, or it must come to its retechnical regular arguments of induction with such ex-gular catastrophe. quisite finish as to defy the eye, or even the touch of any Mr. President, within the last thirty years, or therea man alive; but, while they puzzle and confound the un- bouts-for I have been contemporary with the facts-a toderstanding, they can never convince it, because they tal change has taken place in public opinion, in Great lead us to such monstrous and frightful conclusions, that Britain-which always acts as possessing a common laŋno fair exercise of that reasoning faculty which has been guage and almost a literature and laws in common, she given us by our Maker for our guide, can bring a plain must and she ought to act with great force on us-and in man to. Here is a case, in which, if it be not safe to certain other parts of other countries, which I shall not reason to conclusions, which perhaps is too much my ha- now designate, in reference to this question. There was bit; it is quite safe to reason from conclusions. Whenever a time, sir, when the advocates for the abolition of the any chain of reasoning, however learned and ingenious it Slave Trade found, in almost every bosom possessing commay be, leads to conclusions so monstrous as to offend mon humanity, and common sense, a friend. There were the common sense of mankind, I say that, although you some few, to be sure, old veteran Swiss of State, who, upmay not be able to detect in which link of the argument holding all administrations, and all abuses and corruptions, the defect is, yet you know, from the results to which it had gone more than knee deep in corruption-followers carries you, that it is radically defective-that there is a perhaps of Dundas, fellows of old George Rose, pledged something somewhere about it, although neither your eye five fathom deep in corruption-who still upheld that abo nor your touch can detect it, that renders it radically de-mination. There were some few, indeed, of a very differ fective and unworthy of trust; and if I were called on for an illustration, I could give it, and would give it, in the opinion of the Supreme Court in the case of Cohens against the State of Virginia.

ent description. From my early childhood, all my feelings and instincts were in opposition to slavery in every shape; to the subjugation of one man's will to that of another; and from the time that I read Clarkson's celebrated Sir, I know there are gentlemen, not only from the pamphlet, I was, I am afraid, as mad-as Clarkson himNorthern, but from the Southern States, who think that self. I read myself into this madness, as I have read mythis unhappy question-for such it is-of negro slavery self into some agricultural improvements; but, as with which the Constitution has vainly attempted to blink, by these last I worked myself out of them, so also I worked not using the term-should never be brought into public myself out of it. At the time, sir, that the abolition of the notice, more especially into that of Congress, and most es- Slave Trade was made piracy, and we had as good a right pecially, here. Sir, with every due respect for the gen- to make it treason, if the Constitution had not already detlemen who think so, I differ from them, toto cœlo. Sir, it fined treason-for it is as much treason as it is piracy-did I is a thing which cannot be hid-it is not a dry rot that you say as good a right?-I say you have the right-it has been can cover with the carpet, until the house tumbles about settled by practice here at least already-you can define your ears you might as well try to hide a volcano, in full treason by law-for what is the Constitution, opposed to. operation-it cannot be hid-it is a cancer in your face, the established practice under it? what is the old version and must be treated secundum artem; it must not be tam-to this, which is only one of the new readings, longe emenpered with by quacks, who never saw the disease or the datior, of the old edition of the Constitution? You have, in patient, and prescribe across the Atlantic; it must be, if a time of profound peace, suspended the privilege of the you will, let alone; but on this very principle of letting it writ habeas corpus-the personal-security-act-so far as a alone, it is that I have brought in my resolution. I am bill passed by the Senate could do it. I do not often agree willing to play what is called child's play-let me alone with William Cobbett, but I wish it had this name of perand I will yet you alone; let my resolution alone, and I will sonal-security-act, that the People might understand its say nothing in support of it: for there is a want of sense in say-real meaning and importance better than they seemed to ing any thing in support of a resolution that nobody opposes. do, when they gave their confidence to them that proposed Sir, will the Senate pardon my repeating the words of a and supported that suspension, in the teeth of an express great man, which cannot be too often repeated? A constitutional prohibition. Then, the Society was got up, small danger menacing an inestimable object, is of more of which I was a most unworthy member; but, so far from importance, in the eyes of a wise man, than the greatest keeping the faith, I have become a backslider; and whedanger which can possibly threaten an object of minor ther I have left the Society, or the Society has left me, I consequence. The question before us is, is this an object cannot tell, and do not care. I had not much faith in it of inestimable consequrence? I do not put the question from the beginning; but I thought it a very desirable

.

thing, and still think it to be a very desirable thing, to get rid of the free negroes and colored people of this country, on the principle, and with the view of promoting the quiet, safety, and happiness, of the slaves themselves, as well as of their masters at home. "It is a vile bird"-and I shall not do any thing to disparage the nest, although it be no longer mine. Without meaning to say a word, at this time, against this Society; as an experiment, I must say it has failed; and, so far as it has done any thing, it has done mischief instead of good.

[MARCH 2, 1826.

That of the Saracens-of infidels-of Mahounds and Termagaunts-who were painted in the same colors by the priesthood and fanatics of that day that the Pharisees and Fanatics of this day, paint every man in, whose misfortune, or whose good fortune it is, to be master of slaves. Sir, I have no hesitation in saying, that the affections of these men whom I have named, are more strongly rivetted upon the French African descendants of Hayti-on the Negroes of Jamaica and Sierra Leone-than they are not only on us unfortunate Southrons-than they are on their own felAs regards the principles of those who were the first low subjects of Jamaica-and I verily believe of Old Engpromoters of the abolition of the Slave Trade-I don't land also, of Lancashire or Yorkshire. There was once a say it of this Society-I am borne out by the facts when I time, Sir, when a ministerial member had the indiscre assert that they have held, and yet hold, perhaps I ought tion-no minister can always stop the mouth of an indisto say, endeavor to hold, a language esoteric, and a lan- creet friend-to say-it was during the Prussian war, which guage exoteric-one language for the novice, and a language consisted of the battle of Jena-that Hanover ought to be for the initiated: or, to speak in terms more familiar to us, a as dear to England as Hampshire; I suppose for the sake language official, and a language confidential. They af- of the alliteration. I do believe that should not be far fected to have nothing in view but the abolition of the Slave wrong in saying-I know that to a great portion of these Trade. Sir, they had another object-they had an object misled men, the black population of the West Indies and in view, which now they have the courage to declare, for the Africans of this country, are dearer than their English which they have very lately united themselves into an fellow-subjects: and why so? I judge them partly by their anti-slavery society-they have given no small impulse, if language which I have heard-not in private-but in Freenot the first impulse, to this black ball of Spanish mason's Hall-in London-with an applauding auditory of American Revolution." It is they who have done it-it is thousands-but chiefly by their acts, which never lie. I they who have been the fosterers of Hayti: for I could have heard as pious, as good a man, apparently, as ever name illustrious names that are laboring under delusion as lived-I believe-I dont know it-he had every characterstrong as that which led away the French Convention,istic of a good man and pious Christian, except this mania when they thought they were establishing liberty, equali-setting this aside, he was all that could be wished, and ty, and fraternity, on a foundation slippery and red with in this he manifested that there was no guile in him-he human blood and judicial murder. I will name, I must is an officer in the British army-I could have had him name Wilberforce-I will name master Stephen, the ce- cashiered-say that, in case of a revolt in the Island of Jalebrated author of "War in disguise," and "The maica, he should feel himself compelled to take part with 'Dangers of the Country"-Macauley, the principal con- the blacks, as the oppressed party. I say that is a geneductor of the "Christian Observer." I do not mean to in-ral sentiment throughout Old England-I say Old Engclude all of that numerous and respectable body of men, land--I wish it may not extend any where else-I hope it who generally think and act with them, as equally intem- does not. One thing it behoves me to say-one act of jusperate; because I know that some, and believe that tice it behoves me to do-and I trust I shall never refuse others, of those who associated with them, in religious opi-justice to any man:-up to this time, the conduct of the nions, who do not see, or seeing do not approve, the rash President of the United States-I mean prior to his beulterior measures of these well-meaning, but misled men; coming President of the United States-has been such as amongst them I would name, if I dared to do it, the vene-no Southern man could take exception to, in this behalf, rable President of the English Bible Society.

Sir, the same great authority whom I before quoted, lays it down as a principle, that, when men are furiously and fanatically fond of any object, of any set of opinions whatever, they will sacrifice to that fanatical attachment, their own property, their own peace, their own lives, and (he adds) can there be a doubt that they would prefer it to the peace of their country? Will the love, then, of another country, of Jamaica, or the Southern States, be a consideration strong enough to induce them to halt-to pause? Fanaticism, political or religious, has no stopping place short of Heaven-or of Hell. All history upholds me in this. What were the crusades? I speak it in sober sadness-they were, in my opinion, as regarded their object, incomparably more worthy, more desirable, in the object, more wise in the means taken to attain it, than this modern black crusade. What did they fight for? For the sepulchre of the Redeemer of an otherwise undone world. It was a noble object, however mistaken the principle. But what were they fighting for? For a hewn stone, if it yet existed, which had belonged to a rich and pious Jew of Arimathea-for they knew-they believed-they said they did, and no doubt they were sincere-but they did not recollect that it was not a place of human sepulturethat the body, never subjected to the animal law, was gone that the incarnate part also had ascended to its Father that is in Heaven. They might as well have got up a crusade for the manger in which the lowly infant had lain in its swaddling clothes; still here was a sentiment, something elevating and ennobling, that the heart is better for having felt; and whose blood did they seek to shed when they poured out their own like water in this cause?

at least-1 restrict my admission to that. I will go farther in saying, that this body has already shown that it possesses the will, as well as the power-which i trust it will exercise on more than that occasion-of resisting influence within, and clamor from without-I speak in reference to the Treaty on the subject of the Slave Trade and the Right of Search. Sir, the Senate have acquitted themselves like men, like Senators, like conscript fathers; I hope, as I believe, that they will never acquit themselves otherwise-"Be just, and fear not.”

Aud now, Sir, one word. I will readily agree that, if the gentleman from South Carolina had made the motion to amend, I would have accepted his modification with great pleasure, if it had been to this effect-to inquire officially what proportion the black, the sambo, the mulatto, and the mestizo population, and the proportion that the Indians, the mixed, and the half-breeds, of that race, bear, respectively, in those States, to what is called the white population-for a great deal of it, although not the major part, is white population, whether Creoles or natives of Old Spain. This is an important thing to be taken into consideration. If, therefore, the Senate will indulge me in not postponing my resolution, I will so modify it as to obtain the thing by the best authority accessible to us.

Sir, I said yesterday, that I was very glad to find that this Proclamation of General Bolivar was denied by the consular authority here. I said so on the information of a gentleman, whose information on such subjects I very much respect, and of whose accuracy, in this instance, I entertain no doubt; but when I said so, I did not mean to say, that the disavowal by the consular authority would 'satisfy me, when there was a regular diplomatic envoy

MARCH 2, 1826.

Negro Slavery in South America.

[SENATE.

from that court at our court. I would follow the good dead of night, and put him into a boat, and take him down rule of courts that I am more conversant with-not to the Potomac, and ship him off to a foreign country, would take a worse proof when a better was within my reach; be taken for a moon-struck madman. Yet he who is said therefore I shall wait with patience, and trust, (whether to have once uttered that threat, passed for a man of very this resolution shall pass or be rejected,) that the Presi- uncommon abilities. But this, sir, is a threat which the dent will be enabled to inform this body, that the proper parties have not only the capacity, as well as the disposiSpanish American Minister-I dont know his name or de- tion, but the peculiar capacity to carry into execution; signation; I never saw one of them in my life-has disa- and shall we stand idle? Shall we sit still, like those Rovowed this Proclamation. That he can disavow the prin-man Senators who had no other resource, Mr. President, ciples, which, I agree with the gentleman from South Ca- until the Gauls shall come into this room, and after offerrolina, are of general notoriety, is impossible. But, sir,ing indignity to our persons, finish the tragedy with our there is a wide difference between invading another blood? No, sir; we are not brought to that point-the cacountry, with this proclamation of negro emancipation in pitol is untouched; the sentinels, it is to be hoped, are the van, and setting the slaves of that country to cutting vigilant; the God Terminus has not gone back—yes, sir, their master's throats-by way of making allies of them he has gone back-he has given way, and, at the very -by way of effectually invading and conquering the point, too, of weakness; and he who is now considered to country and doing with them in your own country what- be the right arm of this administration, was the loudest ever you please, however wild and mischievous-and, in- and fiercest denouncer of that retrograde movement, and deed, wicked-it may be. If the State of Virginia was, of the councils under which it was made. I speak of the in a moment of phrenzy, to pass an act of general and cession on the Southwest; I speak of Texas, of the cession immediate emancipation-that would be one thing. If adjacent to the country known to us as New Mexico; of the State of Virginia-supposing the control of this Go- the cession of the Upper Red River; of the cession of the vernment to be out of the way-should go on a crusade Gates, of the Keys of New Orleans; and shall Louisiana into the Carolinas with these principles before them, and support this, whether it be the man or the measure? I the negroes behind them, it would be doing a very differ- hope not. Yes, sir; they have the capacity, and they ent thing. It is, therefore, of importance to us to know have the will; and, unless we take some steps to arrest it, officially, if we can, whether these provinces mean to the evil must come home to your bosom, to mine; and we make use of this instrument of revolution and conquest, must then do what all other People do under like circumas the French Convention made use of their weapons, stances, never fail to do, or perish: for, sir, when things their liberté, egalité, fraternité, against the rest of the get to extremes, the ink and parchment fail. It will sigworld. It is of the utmost importance that we should nify very little what my notions, or yours, or any other know it officially, although it be a matter of notorious man's notions may be, of the powers of the Federal Goalarm to Cuba, as I said yesterday. Cuba has labored vernment or the rights of the States, because, according under this apprehension, not without cause, and has tak- to the exigence of the case, we shall act for our self preen means to guard against it. servation: "for, as self-preservation is in individuals the first law of nature, so it is with societies." The Southern States will look to their safety as States and as individuals, whatever the ink and sheepskin may say, or be made to say. whatever Congress may decree.

There is another circumstance to be taken into our estimate of danger, whether on this quarter or on that of our neutrality, and that is, the present condition of these former colonies of Spain-those South American States whether it be pacific and neutral, like our own, or, as it If, said Mr. R. I were, what I am not an acute philolonotoriously is, belligerent. Have they not armies on foot, ger-I should sometimes amuse myself with the manner in and navies afloat, and does this count for nothing in the which words slip from their original meanings, and come calculation of wise men and statesmen, as to what they to purport something very different from what any body may do, or we may suffer from Powers so circumstanced? ever attached to them when they first came into use: the Are we to consider and treat with a country as if in time word sophist, (a wise man,) got so much into disrepute, of peace, and with its armor thrown off? Are we to con- that philosopher, (a lover of wisdom,) had to supply its sider what she even says, then, in the same light that we place; the word libertine meant what a liberal means now, would consider it in, when she is bristled with steel, arm- that is, a man attached to enlarged and free principlesed cap-a-pie for war? The two cases are very different votary of liberty; but the libertines made so ill an use of whereas they are belligerent, the United States are pacific their principles, that the word has come, (even since the -every thing is on the peace establishment-our armor days of Shakspeare,) to be taken in a bad sense; and libethrown aside, and our attitude that of the most amiable ral will share the same fate, I fear, if it contracts this black and enviable repose. The U. States arc, moreover, not on-alliance. There are some other words, such as principle, ly what every peaceable People ought to be-neutral; but they have a treaty of amity with Spain; they have a positive stipulation with Spain to do no un-neutral act. Does this, or does it not, affect the question? It does. It affects the question vitally, as affecting the capacity, as well as the disposition, to act without breach of neutral duty and of faith, express as well as implied. How long is it since our neutral rights ceased to be dear to us? Do they not imply neutral duties? How long since the faith of the United States has become so cheap? The warlike attitude and armor of these belligerents will, with every man of sober sense, enter into the calculation of their means of enforcing their principles of universal emancipation upon us, through the instrumentality of an invasion and servile war of insurrection in Cuba-for, sir, a wise man will disregard threats coming from a quarter which has no capacity to enforce them; they indicate only a silly malignity, that is best treated with contempt. Any man who should be blockhead enough now to say, that he would take the President of the United States out of his palace in the

"conscience," which are also in great danger. But I am coming to a word which is in the mouth of every man in this country every day, and all day long-it is Congress. Why, sir, although this body, this Senate, be indeed, in some sense, a Congress of deputies from sovereign States, yet-the Constitution to the contrary notwithstanding(for if there is any thing that I find in the Constitution itself which I deem not to be true, I shall not scruple to deny it-or in any bill of rights, or declaratory act, or any where else—always excepting the Bible-because I do not believe that there is any thing in that book that is not true-not meaning, however, to make a confession of my faith)-this word Congress was properly applied to the deputies first assembled at Albany, to bring about a closer colonial union, and afterwards at Philadelphia, to create a Confederacy that might enable us to carry on the war with more effect against the common enemy. At first, she was not the common enemy-we did not so consider her, or call her-we did, indeed, call her our unkind mother, but we professed the most dutiful love for her, and only asked