and judicial powers of government, the imposition of taxes, and other legislative functions, were to be exercised, by men appointed by the king, and independent of the people. The avowed object was to combine the colonies, as far as the Delaware, so as to form a more efficient barrier to the encroachments of France, on the English territories. An additional, if not the principal motive, was the introduction of the same arbitrary government into the colonies, which king James meditated to establish in England. Sir Edmund Andross was appointed governor general, under the new plan for consolidating the colonies. In pursuance of his orders, he dissolved the government of Rhode Island; broke its seal; and assumed the administration. The assembly, from motives of policy, apparently yielded to his power; but their feigned submission availed them nothing. In pursuance of the plan to unite the colonies, sundry attempts were made to break the charter of Connecticut; but they all failed, as shall be more particularly related hereafter.

When Andross, who had been appointed governor of several provinces, had disgusted the colonists, by his zeal in urging the arbitrary schemes of his royal master, vague intelligence was received, that a revolution was expected, in favour of the pretensions of William and Mary, to the crown of England; to the exclusion of James, the reigning prince. Before this was confirmed, the people of Massachusetts, without any preconcerted plan, suddenly rose. The drums beat Andross and about fifty others were seized and

to arms.

imprisoned,

Their apprehensions of serious consequences from this precipitate measure were soon removed, by certain intelligence that William and Mary were declared king and queen of England. They were instantly proclaimed in Boston, with great pomp, and the overflowings of the most extravagant and heartfelt joy. Connecticut and Rhode Island followed the example of Massachusetts; resumed their charters; and re-established the government as it was before the administration of Andross.

Massachusetts had, some time before, deputed Increase Mather, an eminent divine and respectable statesman, to be their agent, to take care of their interests at the court of London. He could do nothing for his country, while king James was in power; but indulged hopes that king William would be more favourable. He was so in general; but it was soon found, that the restoration of the old charter was not; be expected. The new king was determined to keep, ins own hand, the appointment of the future governors. The colony was authorized to administer government according to the ancient system, until a new form should be agreed upon. A new charter was made out, in which were introduced some material alterations, destructive of that independence which had so long been practically enjoyed by the colony. The governor, deputy governor, and secretary, who, by the old charter, had been chosen by the colony, were, by the new system, to be appointed by the crown. The powers of the governor were also enlarged. Sir William Phips,* who was

• When Sir William arrived, he found the province in a deplorable situation. The pillars of civil government were shaken by a general infatuation respecting witchcraft. In the beginning of 1692, the reverend Samuel Paris, of Salem village, now Danvers, had a daughter aged nine, and a niece aged eleven, who were distressed with "singular distempers." Their physician, unable to relieve them, gave it as his opinion, "that they were under an evil hand." It was immediately reported that they were bewitched. The delusion became general. Those who laboured under uncommon diseases, believed, in like manner, that their maladies were inflicted by evil spirits; and accused their neighbours as agents of evil spirits. Old laws against witchcraft were acted upon. Several were tried and acquitted; but nineteen of the accused were condemned, and executed. One of them, the reverend George Burroughs, was a graduate of Harvard college, in 1670, and at the time of his condemnation, and for ten years before, had been an established preacher; but of doubtful character. In 1692, he was accused of witchcraft, and brought to trial. In his indictment it was charged, "that, by his wicked arts, Mary Walcott was tortured, afflicted, pined, consumed, wasted, and tormented." The charge against him was supported by the testimony of afflicted persons, who were supposed to be bewitched, and by that of others, who, from improper motives, had confessed that they themselves were witches. It was given in evidence, that two of Burroughs's dead wives had appeared to the witnesses, saying that he was the cause of the death of each of them; and threatening, if he denied it, they would appear in court.

appointed the first royal governor, arrived in May, 1692, with the new charter. By it, Plymouth was annexed to

Accordingly, during his trial, the afflicted persons were thrown into a paroxysm of horror, said to be raised by the spectres of his wives, who were punctual to their engagement. The confessing witches affirmed that Burroughs had attended witch meetings with them. It was also given in evidence, that he had performed, or said he had performed feats of extraordinary strength, which, his accusers said, could not be performed without diabolical assistance; such as putting his fingers in a bung hole of a barrel of molasses, and lifting it up; carrying it round him, and setting it down again; putting his forefinger into the muzzle of a large gun, and holding it out straight. Every plea urged in Burroughs's defence was unavailing. Sentence was pronounced upon him, as the agent of evil spirits. At his execution, he made a speech asserting his innocence, and concluded with the Lord's prayer, probably to vindicate his character; for it was a received opinion, that a witch could not repeat the Lord's prayer, without mistake. Confidence between man and man in a great measure ceased. Every one was suspicious of his neighbour, and alarmed for himself. Business was interrupted. Many fled their dwellings. Terror was in every countenance, and distress in every heart. Each little precinct was the scene of some direful tale of witchery. Reports of this nature circulated in all directions, and were located in every neighbourhood. The people of Essex, the seat of infatuation, had lived among the savages. They had heard their narratives of Hobbamocko, or the devil; of his frequent appearance to them; of their conversations with him; and of his sometimes carrying them off. These were the familiar tales of their winter evenings, and laid the foundation of much superstition. Several circumstances, attending the first cases of supposed witchcraft, tended to mislead the people. They took place in the family of the reverend Mr. Paris. He was credulous. The sanctity of his character, and his superior means of information, disposed his parishioners to believe as he believed. An Indian and his wife, who lived in the same house, were supposed to be adepts in the arts of witchcraft. To complete the deception, the physician, probably not knowing the nature of the diseases of his patients, wishing to cover his ignorance, and to account for the failure of his prescriptions, from the counteraction of invisible agents, concurred in the 'opinion of the reverend Mr. Paris. These facts operated on feeble minds so effectually, as to produce a general belief of the immediate agency of evil spirits. The alarm was sudden and terrible. Children, not twelve years of age, were allowed to give their testimony. Indians related their own personal knowledge of invisible beings; and women told their frights. Testimony respecting supposed witches and ghosts, though unworthy of credit, as founded only in a deluded imagination, was received without proper allowance for the weakness of human nature. The frenzy lasted from March till October. The supposed sufferers now becoming more daring, accused some

Massachusetts; but New Hampshire was detached from it; and has ever since been a separate government.

The people of Massachusetts were very desirous of the reestablishment of their old charter; but, finding that to be impossible, they accepted the new one. They flattered themselves that the revolution in England would infuse such a

of the best characters in the country. This opened the eyes of the people, and essentially contributed to remove the delusion. Accusers became silent. Those under sentence of death were reprieved, and afterwards pardoned.

The uniform protestations of those who were executed; the confessions of numbers who had been accusers, and the subsequent deliberate recanta. tions of others, who had confessed themselves witches, concurred to prove that the whole had originated in the weakness and wickedness of its subjects. Persons who had been accusers, when admitted to the church several years afterwards, confessed their delusion, and "asked pardon for having brought the guilt of innocent blood upon the land."

When the people recovered their senses, a great part of Mr. Paris's congregation could not sit under his ministry. Investigation into the grounds of their complaints took place. The result was a dismissal from his church, "for being an instrument to their miseries."

The events of this day gave birth to a discussion on the subject of witch. craft. While some contended for the truth of the many tales which were in circulation, others considered the whole as delusion; and denied the reality of witchcraft in every case. In these discussions, the plain common sense of Robert Calef, an unlettered merchant of Boston, triumphed over the profound erudition of the pious, and learned, but too credulous theologian Cot. ton Mather. An opinion was introduced and supported at the same time, by the reverend Increase Mather, which, whether true or false, had a happy influence in moderating the consequences of legal prosecutions. The learned doctor contended that the devil could assume the form and appearance of an innocent person, so as to pass for the same. The juries availed them. selves of this position to set aside positive evidence, on the idea that the ac cused had been personated by the devil in the transactions laid to their charge.

Many, in the nineteenth century, are disposed to look back with astonishment at the scenes just described, which took place at Salem in the close of the seventeenth; but their wonder will lessen, when they reflect on the intermediate increase of light and knowledge; and that people of all ages, countries and religions have concurred in the belief of the existence of evil spirits, and of their limited agency in human affairs. On a review of every circumstance, the candid and liberal will find little ground for sarcastic and contemptuous reflection; but, abundant reason for the humiliating exclamation, alas! poor human nature!

portion of liberty into the administration, that their political condition would be more eligible than it ever had been. Some disputes occasionally occurred, about the policy of increasing or diminishing paper money; concerning the expediency of limiting or extending the governor's power; about the permanency of his salary; and such comparatively unimportant matters but in general, government was administered for the good of the people. The diminution of the democratic spirit of the old charter produced very little practical inconvenience, for the succeeding seventy years, or till the dawn of the American revolution. It was then found that king William's charter blocked up one of the roads to independence. By it, the governor had power, at pleasure, to call, prorogue, and dissolve the assembly. This was used, as will appear hereafter, to prevent the regular assemblies from concerting plans for defending themselves against the British schemes of taxing the colonies. As often as they entered on any measures with that view, the royal governor, by dissolving them, annihilated their constitutional powers. While impediments of this kind obstructed the efforts of Massachusetts, in the cause of liberty, the adjacent New England colonies, who chose their own governors, were free to act as they pleased. By this time, the colony of Massachusetts, inclusive of Plymouth, had increased to 434,244 inhabitants, and New Hampshire to 124,069. The feeble power of a royal governor, opposed to this physical force, was unavailing. It caused a short delay; but induced a necessity of doing all the public business in provincial congresses, wholly of popular origin, in preference to constitutional assemblies, sanctioned by the charter. The bridle on the proceedings of the people, put into the hands of the royal governor, by the charter of 1692, acted as a spur to drive them sooner to the utmost extent of popular government. If it had been seriously intended, to control by charters the natural course of things in favour of liberty, the forms of government projected by the James's and Charles's would have been more suitable and successful, as far as paper ties could be depended upon. These, in consequence of the English revolution, in 1688, were done