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this end, recommended, that they would choose delegates to represent them in congress.

All these addresses were written with uncommon ability. Coming from the heart, they were calculated to move it. In spired by a love of liberty, and roused by a sense of com、 mon danger, the patriots of that day spoke, wrote, and acted, with an animation unknown in times of public tranquillity: but it was not so much, on the probable effect of these addresses, that congress founded their hopes of obtaining a redress of their grievances, as on the consequences which they expected, from the operation of their non-importation, and non-exportation agreement. The success that had followed the adoption of a measure, similar to the former, in two preceding instances, had encouraged the colonists to expect much from a repetition of it. They indulged in extravagant opinions of the importance of their trade to Great Britain. The measure of a non-exportation of their commodities was a new expedient; and, from that, even more was expected, than from the non-importation agreement. They supposed, that it would produce such extensive distress among the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain, and, especially, among the inhabitants of the British West India islands, as would induce their general co-operation, in procuring a redress of American grievances. Events proved that young nations, like young people, are prone to overrate their own importance.

Congress having finished all this important business, in less than eight weeks, dissolved themselves, on the 26th of October, after giving their opinion, "that another congress should be held on the 10th of May next ensuing, at Philadelphia, unless the redress of their grievances should be previously obtained," and recommending "to all the colonies. to choose deputies as soon as possible, to be ready to attend at that time and place, should events make their meeting necessary."

On the publication of the proceedings of congress, the people obtained that information which they desired. Zealous to do something for their country, they patiently waited

for the decision of that body, to whose direction they had resigned themselves. Their determinations were no sooner known, than cheerfully obeyed. Though their power was only advisory, yet their recommendations were more generally and more effectually carried into execution, than the laws of the best-regulated states. Every individual felt his liberties endangered, and was impressed with an idea, that his safety consisted in union. A common interest in warding off a common danger, proved a powerful incentive to the most implicit submission. Provincial congresses and subordinate committees were every where instituted. The resolutions of the continental congress were sanctioned, with the universal approbation of these new representative bodies; and institutions were formed under their directions to carry them into effect.

The regular constitutional assemblies, also, gave their assent to the measures recommended. The assembly of New York was the only legislature, which withheld its approbation. Their metropolis had long been head-quarters of the British army in the colonies; and many of their best families were connected with people of influence in Great Britain. The unequal distribution of their land fostered an aristocratic spirit. From the operation of these and other causes, the party for royal government was both more numerous and respectable in New York, than in the other colonies.

The assembly of Pennsylvania, though composed of a majority of Quakers, or of those who were friendly to their interest, was the first legal body of representatives, that ratified, unanimously, the acts of the general congress. They not only voted their approbation of what that body had done, but appointed members to represent them in the new congress, proposed to be held on the 10th day of May next ensuing; and took sundry steps to put the province in a posture of defence.

To relieve the distresses of the people of Boston, liberal collections were made, throughout the colonies, and forwarded for the supply of their immediate necessities. Domestic manufactures were encouraged, that the wants of the inha

itants, from the non-importation agreement, might be dimi nished; and the greatest zeal was discovered, by a large majority of the people, to comply with the determinations of these new-made representative bodies. In this manner, while the forms of the old government subsisted, a new and independent authority was virtually established. It was so universally the sense of the people, that the public good required a compliance with the recommendations of congress, that any man, who discovered an anxiety about the continuance of trade and business, was considered as a selfish individual; preferring private interest to the good of his country. Under the influence of these principles, the intemperate zeal of the populace transported them, frequently, so far beyond the limits of moderation, as to apply singular punishments to particular persons, who contravened the general sense of the community.

One of these was forcibly subjecting the obnoxious persons to a stream of cold water, discharged on them from the spout of a pump. Another and more serious one was, after smearing their bodies with tar, to roll them in feathers, and expose them, thus covered with tar and feathers, to the ridicule of spectators. A more common mode was to treat them with contempt and scorn, arising, in particular cases, to such a height, as to abstain from all social intercourse with them. Frequently their names were stuck up in public places, with the appellation of tories, traitors, cowards, enemies to the country, &c.

The British ministry were not less disappointed than mortified, at this unexpected combination of the colonies. They had flattered themselves with a belief, that the malcontents in Boston were a small party, headed by a few factious men, and that the majority of the inhabitants would arrange themselves on the side of government, as soon as they found Great Britain determined to support her authority; and, should even Massachusetts take part with its offending capital, they could not believe that the other colonies would make a common cause, in supporting so intemperate a colony but, should even that expectation fail, they conceived that their associa

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tion must be founded on principles so adverse to the interests and feelings of individuals, that it could not be of long duration. They were encouraged in these ill-founded opinions, by the recollection, that the colonies were frequently quarrelling about boundaries, clashing in interest, differing in policy, manners, customs, forms of government, and religion, and under the influence of a variety of local prejudices, jealousies, and aversions. They also remembered the obstacles, which prevented the colonies from acting together, in the execution of schemes, planned for their own defence, in the late war against the French and Indians. The failure of the expected co-operation of the colonies, in one uniform system, at that time, was not only urged by the British ministry, as a reason for parliamentary control over the whole, but flattered them with a delusive hope, that they never could be brought to combine their counsels and their arms. Perhaps the colonists apprehended more danger from British encroachments, on their liberties, than from French encroachment, on Indian territories, in their neighbourhood: or more probably, the time to part being come, the Governor of the Universe, by a secret influence on their minds, disposed them to union. From whatever cause it proceeded, it is certain, that a disposition to do, to suffer, and to accommodate, spread from breast to breast, and from colony to colony, beyond the reach of human calculation. It seemed as though one mind inspired the whole. The merchants put far behind them the gains of trade, and cheerfully submitted to a total stoppage of business, in obedience to the recommendations of men, invested with no legislative powers. The cultivators of the soil, with great unanimity, assented to the determination, that the hard-earned produce of their farms should remain unshipped, although, in case of a free exportation, many would have been eager to have purchased it from them, at advanced prices. The sons and daughters of ease renounced imported conveniences; and voluntarily engaged to eat, drink, and wear, only such articles as their country afforded. These sacrifices were made, not from the pressure of present distress, but on the generous principle of sympathy, with an

invaded sister colony, and the prudent policy of guarding against a precedent which might, in a future day, operate against their liberties.

This season of universal distress exhibited a striking proof, how practicable it is for mankind to sacrifice ease, pleasure, and interest, when the mind is strongly excited by its passions. In the midst of their sufferings, cheerfulness appeared in the face of all the people. They counted every thing cheap in comparison with liberty, and readily gave up whatever tended to endanger it. A noble strain of generosity and mutual support was generally excited. A great and powerful diffusion of public spirit took place. The animation of the times raised the actors in these scenes above themselves, and excited them to deeds of self-denial, which the interested prudence of calmer seasons can scarcely credit.

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