vate property of the inhabitants of a conquered country. Such inhabitants are permitted to hold their lands; but they exchange masters and become tributary to the conqueror.

These changes and modifications are indeed considerable and important. We must, however, exhibit and examine some things, which are still regarded as rights of war and conquest, by nations professing the christian religion.

These rights are still supposed to extend to all public or national property, wherever taken, and to all private property captured on the seas, either by national ships of war, or by privateers. During a war the successful invader is supposed to have a right to quarter his troops on the inhabitants of the invaded territory-to levy contributions, and to take by force. whatever is necessary to the subsistence of the invading army. He is also considered as having a right to burn or destroy any property, whether public or private, if it be deemed necessary to his safety or the accomplishment of his object -or if such devastation would tend to distress the opposing army, by diminishing its energies or its supplies. On such pretexts, storehouses, magazines, and mills, and even villages, towns, and cities, have been destroyed, to the ruin of many thousands of unoffending people.

Such are some of the wrongs which are supposed to be authorized by the rights of war and conquest. Let Christians of the present age ask themselves, whether it be possible that such principles and such atrocities can meet the approbation of a just God? Will they be approved by an enlightened posterity? Will not future generations explode them with as much abhorrence as philanthropists of the present time explode the pretended rights of the most barbarous ages? When similar acts are perpetrated by a band of bucaniers, or highwaymen, who does not see their atrocity? Who does not deny that private robbers have such rights of war and conquest? Can it then be supposed that the rulers of nations have a right to perpetrate such deeds of violence and injustice, as would disgrace private knaves and ruffians? And what are the pretended rights of conquest but the assumed rights of the robber? If the bucanier has no right to acquire property by injustice and violence, or to retain the property which he may thus have acquired, the same rule should be applied to the public robber, by whatever royal or imperial title he may be distinguished. Injustice is crime, whoever may be the perpetrator.

It has been justly said, that "usurpation creates no right;" and what are the pretended rights of war but usurpation ? The piratical chief usurps the power of rapine and manslaughter, and calls that his own which he takes from others by force. The war-making Prince does the same on a larger scale. As to right, there is none in either case; but the wrong is manifest in both, and generally much greater on the part of the warring prince than on that of the warring pirate.

Perhaps the people of every christian nation have called the Algerines, pirates or robbers. But where is the christian nation which is not justly liable to the same reproach? Has not France, has not Great Britain, done far more in the business of robbery, both by land and sea, than was ever done by the barbarians of Algiers? and are such enormities more honorable or less criminal, in Christians than in Mahometans?

Can the people of the United States plead not guilty, to the charge of practising robbery? Let the merchants of Great Britain and our Red brethren of the forest answer the question. Of how many millions of private property were the former robbed in our last war with England? And of how many millions of acres of land were the latter robbed in the same war, under the pretended right of conquest? Now in what respect were these robberies less unjust and cruel than the robberies of pirates or highwaymen? In regard to our maritime depredations, it will be said, that the same course was pursued by Britain against our merchantsand that such piracy was licensed, by the rulers of each nation. These facts cannot be denied; but we may safely deny the right of any government to license, or any human being to perpetrate, such flagrant acts of injustice and cruelty.

never

In regard to our robbing the Creek Indians of "fifteen millions" of acres of land, we may say, that it is a foul reproach on our national character-a stain which can be removed but by ample remuneration. How dishonorable as well as unjust does such conduct appear, in a great nation towards a feeble tribe of natives! When was there ever an act of private robbery which equally deserved the detestation of mankind! Yet as the prize was obtained by war, it has been made a subject of boasting in the Congress of the United States! Astonishing infatuation! As well may the bucanier boast of a prize obtained by violence and the murder of half the crew of a merchant vessel. It is acknowledged that the Creeks were seduced by the Britons to take

a part in the war-on that account they were entitled to compassion. The treaty was forced on them by the bayonet; and justice and magnanimity would have declared it null and void, as they do private contracts obtained by fraud or violence.

THE SPEAKING MAP.

For the Friend of Peace.

Behold aloft in Congress Hall,
A map expanded on the wall,
Of Indian lands of large amount-
Yes, fifteen millions is th' account
In acres-but in dollars more-
Say two for one, though some say four!

Such was the bargain Jackson made,
In his approved, but cruel trade-
With men distressed by savage strife-
When he for Forests bartered Life.
Of his own men 'tis hard to say,
How many perished in the fray;

But of the Creeks he slew " eight hundred ;"—
Those who survived, of lands he plundered,

By treaty forced on warring ground,

While death and horror reigned around!

Who can believe and not bewail,
That such a treaty did not fail
To be approved, by those who stand,
As treaty guardians of our land?
Who does not blush and grieve to see,
A Map thus stained with robbery,
Displayed by men in public station,-
As trophy glorious to the nation!
Displayed, alas! to open view,
Where legislators not a few,
Convene as fathers of the land,
To form such laws as crimes demand.

Admit the Map endued with speech,
And powers of mind to think and preach ;-
Truths might be told in Congress Hall,
Which would the stoutest heart appal,-
And loose the joints of men assembled,
As when the proud Belshazzar trembled :-

:

"You, Gentlemen"-the Map might say-
"Are here employed from day to day,]
In framing laws meant to suppress,
Some acts of private wickedness,-
While I stand here before your eyes,
A proof of public felonies;-
A Map of lands obtained by might,
And deeds reverse of all that's right :-
Ah, here I am to tell how far,

You vaunting Christians go in war!
How as a nation proud and great,
The laws of Heaven you violate;
How you can murder, rob, or steal,
Like bucaniers for public weal;
How you the Red-Men to depress
Contrive to make their number less;
How you can found a boastful claim,
On grounds which are a nation's shame,-
On deeds of violence and blood,
Abhorred by all the just and good,-
Or on the fact that Monarchs do
Felonious deeds as well as you.*

In view of Me, have you the face,
To doom the miscreants of your race,
To infamy, to death, or pain,
Because like you, they wealth attain ?
Remove me hence and out of sight-
Restore me as the Indians' right,
At least my antitype restore,
And then resolve to rob no more.-
Or in this house forever cease,
To boast of justice, love of peace,
Of magnanimity, or right,

While you the claims of others slight:
Nay, cease to doom the bucanier,

While as memento I stand here,

Witness of rapine, murder, hate,
Injustice, sanctioned by the state,

Surpassing crimes for which your breath,
Demands the private felon's death!

If

you desire to hold the land,

The type of which I'm made to stand,

*The example of Sovereigns in holding lands by conquest, was mentioned by a member of Congress, in vindication of our conduct in holding the land taken from the Creeks. Why may not the highwayman, the pirate, and the swindler, justify their conduct on the same ground?

Relinquish your pretended claim,

Retract your wrongs with grief and shame;
And then, by purchase fair and free,

Display the love of probity,

Thus take from all the plundering crew,
Their plea that they resemble you.

Though in their works of hate, and strife,
They glory less of taking life;
And property of men assail,
On a far less extended scale;
Yet your example they may plead,
Till you redress the cruel deed-
Till you as rulers shall proclaim,
That public war, is public shame.

M. C.

NOTE. The facts referred to in "The Speaking Map," are so reproachful to our country, that it was not without hesitation that the poem was allowed a place in this work. A hope, however, is entertained that, severe as it is, some good may result from giving it to the public.

In 1819, the Hon. Mr. Fuller stated in Congress, that the "fifteen millions of acres" was worth, at the then legal price, thirty millions of dollars, but in fact worth double that sum. If we take the lowest price, the interest at six per cent. would be one million and eight hundred thousand dollars! Does not justice and magnanimity unite in demanding that the land should be restored, or that the interest should be appropriated in the best manner for the benefit of the Indians?

EDITOR.

THE GEORGIANS AND THE CHEROKEES.

DURING the late session of Congress much surprize and indignation were excited by a demand of the people of Georgia for the removal of the Cherokee nation beyond the boundaries of that state. From the "Portsmouth Journal" we shall give a concise statement of the principal facts relating to the affair, being assured by a respectable Member of Congress that the statement is substantially correct:

In the year 1802 a convention was made between the United States and Georgia, by which the latter ceded to the former certain lands lying south of Tennessee and west of the Chatahouche river, and in consideration of this cession, the United States agreed to pay the sum of $1,250,000, and stipulated "to extinguish at their own expense for the use of Georgia, as early as the same can be peaceably obtained upon reasonable terms, the Indian title to the lands lying within the limits of that State."

The Indians, at that time, owned within the State of Georgia 25,980,000 acres, which were guaranteed to them by the United States, in treaties then subsisting. Since the date of the convention, the United States have purchased from the Indians for the use of Georgia 15,744,000 acres; and 7,000,000 acres were acquired by the Creek war-leaving only 3,236,000 acres in possession of the Indians. The United States have already paid under the convention $7,735,243, besides the expenses of the Creek war.