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the Bahamas. If she gets peaceable possession of Yucatan, by our remissness, she will have taken the second. Cuba may be the last. I will ask the distinguished senator from South Carolina if he would advocate the interference of this country, by force, if England were attempting by force to take possession of Yucatan; and, if he would-as I believe he would-how can he consent to permit her to do peacefully what we may peacefully prevent? I have already, sir, alluded to the effects which steam navigation is to produce upon the commercial and military marine of the world; and the various harbors and inlets of these possessions would be rendezvous whence armed steam vessels would issue to prey upon our commerce, to close the great channels of communication, or to carry on marauding expeditions against our coast."

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The Baltimore Convention of 1848-The New York Difficulties-General Cass again named for the Presidency-His Nomination-Resigns his Senatorship-The Canvass before the People-The Buffalo Convention-The Clay Letter of 1825-The Result.

As the time drew near for another Presidential election, the National Democratic Committee, in pursuance of usage, designated the twenty-second of May, 1848, at Baltimore, as the time and place for the holding of the Democratic convention. Democratic politicians, in all the States, began thre incipient movements for the campaign; Democratic presses began to fill the newspapers with columns of editorial matter relative to the nominee, on the question of preference; primary assemblages, composed of persons who adhered with tenacity to the political tenets of Jefferson and Jackson, canvassed the merits and demerits of the prominent men suggested for the Presidency, and, by resolve, indicated, in many instances, their preferences; States were delegated, with and without instruction as to their vote in the convention. In all, save one, the party was a unit on the delegates selected, and evinced a willingness to abide by their action. This exception was the Empire State of New York.

In the State of New York there were two party organizations, each professing to be regular, and claiming the right to speak for all the Democracy within the limits of the commonwealth. This double-headed organization had its origin in domestic difficulties, which occurred in October, 1847. A State convention convened in the city of Syracuse in the latter part of September in that year, extending its deliberations into the following month. The convention was called to nominate candidates for State officers, and the delegates to it were acrimoniously contested in nearly every county. In many instances dissatisfaction was openly proclaimed; and, on the organization of the convention at Syracuse, there appeared many contestants for seats in that body. The adjustment of these difficulties consumed much time, and produced great acerbity of feeling among the members and a numerous and excited lobby.

Finally, the convention, in due order of business, reached the resolutions. Not two months before, Mr. Wilmot had offered his celebrated proviso in Congress. Several of the Democratic members of Congress from New York had voted for that proviso, and many of these gentlemen now had seats in this convention. Naturally enough, they wished the convention to endorse their congressional action, and declared, in unmistakable language, that the proviso must thereafter be the chief corner stone in all Democratic platforms. Several delegates interposed their objections, and declared, in as unmistakable language, that they could not, consistently with their political antecedents, consent to any new platform on the subject of slavery, and deprecated in their speeches any incipient steps in relation thereto.

The debate resulted in a motion to lay the proviso on the table, which was carried, on a division by ayes and noes, and the convention adjourned sine die, amid much noise and confusion.

The provisoists in a few days assembled in mass convention, in the village of Herkimer, and resolved that they were against the introduction of slavery into any new territory, and that Mr. Wilmot was right, and that, thereafter, the doctrine contained in his amendment would be regarded by them as of vital importance in all party movements. They also resolved that the decision of the then late Syracuse convention on contested seats was all wrong; that the action of the convention was not obligatory upon Democrats; and, by solemn resolve, repudiated the nominated ticket of State officers. On the contrary, those members of the convention who constituted the majority, returned to their several homes, and gave the ticket their usual cordial support.

Here, then, were two party organizations-both professedly within the lines of the same party, and each claiming the right to act for New York with the Democratic party of the nation.

Public opinion, as indicated in the various State conventions, pointed to General Cass, and gradually but steadily settled upon him as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. The numerous manifestations of public feeling evidenced the fact that he was the favorite candidate of the Democracy of a majority of the States, and of the Democratic party within those respective States. Indeed, all over the Union, excepting those States having a distinguished citizen of their own aspiring for the Presidency, public sentiment pointed to him. Endowed by nature with great physical

and mental energy, and the latter highly cultivated by science and experience; trusted with official power and responsibility by Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, and Van Buren, and honored with the confidence of Polk, he had shown himself worthy and competent to tread in the footsteps of these distinguished statesmen. In his views on the Oregon question, on the slavery question, on the tariff, currency, annexation of territory, and foreign interference, he looked upon the entire country as alike interested, and, in acting upon them, he was governed by what, in his judgment, seemed most beneficial to all. Many of the eminent statesmen of the country thought it was most fit that such a man should be at the head of the government at a time when agitation, party spirit, and an unhealthy sentiment on some topics, prevailed to a greater or less extent.

The nominating convention convened at Baltimore on the day designated. Andrew Stevenson, of Virginia, was selected to preside over its deliberations. As was anticipated, two sets of delegates appeared, with credentials in their hands, from New York. After an elaborate discussion, running through three days, the convention ruled to admit both delegations, with the right to cast, altogether, the vote of New York. The delegation known as Barnburners protested against this decision, and retired from the convention. The delegation known as Hunkers, remained, but declined to cast the vote of the State. The former were understood to be opposed to the nomination of General Cass; the latter, in his favor.

The primitive cause of the double-headed organization above alluded to, dates back to an anterior period. It had its origin in the winter of 1838, when Mr. Van Buren-then President of the United States-broached the financial measure of an independent treasury. A portion of the Democracy of New York at first disapproved of it, and were known in political nomenclature as Conservatives. But a short period of time intervened, however, before this cognomen was merged again in the word Democratic, and the Conservatives as well as the Hard Currency Men again shared victory and defeat. The Democratic party of the State passed into a minority for a brief season, and, upon restoration to place and power, once more divided; but the division this time was upon the financial policy of the State. This diversity of opinion strengthened at the capital, and gradually spread its

influence in all parts of the empire commonwealth. At length, in 1843, this diversity of sentiment widened, so as to embrace the national question of the annexation of Texas; and then, in a modified form, the immediate annexation to the United States of all the country known as Texas, as far south as the Rio Grande. William L. Marcy was the recognized leader of those who were in favor of annexation, and Silas Wright of those who were disposed "to wait a time in patience." In the meantime, Mr. Van Burena prominent candidate for the Presidency-was interrogated as to his views upon this, then the great political question of the day, and such was his response that the national Democratic Convention of 1844 set him aside for James K. Polk, of Tennessee, as the reader already has been apprised. Immediately upon the adjournment of this national convention, a circular-commonly known as the Secret Circular-emanated from several gentlemen supposed to be privy to the confidential views of Mr. Van Buren, and circulated among prominent Democrats in the State of New York, who were supposed to be imbued with similar views, suggesting the propriety of giving particular attention to the Congressional canvass that was to occur simultaneously with the Presidential, leaving an impression upon the minds of those who were in favor of annexation, that the design was to let the electoral ticket float without chart or compass.

As was quite natural, those who were content with the final action of the National Convention, were somewhat alarmed at this unlooked for and unprecedented proceeding. They redoubled their energies for the success of the Presidential ticket, and Mr. Wright was nominated for the office of Governor, and triumphantly elected. His majority was some five thousand higher than that cast for the electoral ticket; this discrepancy confirmed the suspicion on the part of the Annexationists, that all the friends of Mr. Wright had not cast their suffrages for Mr. Polk.

As the day approached for the inauguration of Mr. Polk, in March, 1845, much interest was felt in the caste of the Cabinet. Inasmuch as New York had cast her electoral votes-then thirtysix in number-for the successful candidate, it was taken for granted that she would be honored with a seat. Governor Marcy was named by the Annexationists, and Asariah C. Flagg by the personal friends of Governor Wright. After an animated struggle, Governor Marcy was invited to the War Department. Under

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