to the State. They complained of inability any longer to endure the torture of famine and the variety of distress they experienced. On this serious occasion the officers displayed a wisdom and prudence which does them honor ; their exertions reduced the disorder to bounds of moderation, and the soldiery were prevailed on to desist from intentions so injurious to their country, so derogatory to their honor : they retired to their huts with passions cooled down indeed, but with evident signs of discontent and chagrin, and left their officers with the painful reflection that a repetition of similar distress was only wanting to complete a scenie wlich they cannot contemplate without borror. The brave, patriotic, and virtuous band of officers of every line, have already given up their rations to the soldiery, submitted literally to bread and water as their only sustenance. By this scanty fare, they continue to set an example to, and keep, the soldiery in tolerable temper; but with tears in their eyes, such as men who feel for the distresses of their conntry may shed without pusillanimity, stated their apprehensions, that the dissolution of the army was at hand, unless constant supplies of provisions at least were kept up.

“ Persuaded, Sir, that to be silent on such occasions would be criminal, we will address our compeers, with decercy, but with freedom; we will advise them, that something more is necessary than mere recommendation, or they will lose an army, and thereby risk the loss of an empire. Times and exigencies render it sometimes necessary for the governing power to deviate from the strait line of conduct which regular constitutions prescribe. When such deviation is necessary for the preservation of the whole, it is incumbent on rulers to put themselves on the judg. ment of their country, to stand acquitted or condemned by it; such times, such exigency, such deviation, have heretofore taken place; they are marked on the journals of Congress; and the honest patriot reflects with gratitude, that there were men who at all hazarrls dared to save their country. We entreat Congress seriously to consider, whether such times and exigencies do not now exist ; if they do, shall posterity say that those who directed the affairs of America at this æra, were less intrepid and more attentive to personal consequences than their predecessors? Heaven forhid the thought! Our affairs, it is true, are alarmingly deranged; but bold and decisive measures, adopted and prudently executed, will restore all; our pristine vigour will be renewed, and the contest end in a glorious expulsion of the minions of a tyrant."

In another letter of June 5th, they write, “Since our last, we have received a letter from the Commander in Chief, stating the necessity of specific requisitions from the States, for men, provisions, forage, and the means of transportation. We have, in consequence, addressed ourselves to the several States on the subject, and made requisitions from each.”

Their appeal to the States was urgent and eloquent, and produced a favourable effect. In a letter from Schuyler and Peabody to the President of Congress, dated Preakness, July 18th, they say,

" It was reasonable to conclude, that every State, so fully advised of the alarming situation of public affairs, would not have left any measure, to which it was equal, unassayed, to preserve the empire from the impending ruin with which it was threatened, support its honor, and maintain its character amongst the powers of the earth; and especially to establish the great object, to accomplish which they had already expended such a deluge of blood. We have learnt, with the most sensible satisfaction, that the people in most of the States are roused from the torpor which had generally prevailed ; that a due sense of duty to their country has, with all ranks of men, been productive of a patriotic activity, evincing that they mean effectually to support the common cause ; that some of the States, from whom aid has been required, have explicitly advised us of their intentions; whilst others have been partial, and some altogether silent on the subject."

This important committee was discharged August 11, 1780, and directed to report their proceedings to Congress. From the brief sketch here given, only a very inadequate estimate

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of their special powers and labours can be formed. The record of their proceedings, including copies of many letters from General Washinton, General Greene, and others, together with military returns and other official documents, fills a folio volume of three hundred and fifty-four closely written pages, and is an honorable monument of the untiring industry, enlightened views, distinguished firmness and energy, and devoted patriotism, of the committee. These qualities, however, did not shield them from the arts and intrigues of a “ wicked cabal” in Congress, who sought the ruin of Gen. Greene and some other men, that were an honor to their country, and for whose services in the revolution, the American people, while they continue to value liberty, will never cease to be grateful. In a letter to Col. Peabody, dated “Camp at Kennemach, Sept. 6, 1780,"Gen. Greene remarks,

“ You have had your day of difficulty, as well as I. Congress seems to have got more out of temper with the committee than with me; and I am told, charge great part of the difficulties upon the committee, that have taken place between them and me. However, of this, I suppose, you are better informed than I am. It appears to me, that Congress were apprehensive some disagreeable consequences might take place from the measures they have been pursuing contrary to the advice of the committee ; and, therefore, they took the earliest opportunity to bring them into disgrace, to lessen their influence. The committee stand fair with the army, and I believe with the public at large; and, bad as our condition is, I he. licve we are altogether indebted to the committee for the tolerable state we are in."

Mr. Matthews, of the committee, whom Gen. Sullivan, in a letter to Col. Peabody, calls your friend Matthews, an honest and sincere man," wrote Col. Peabody from Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1780 :

Thus much from my friendship you may rely on, that no man shall take your name in vain. As to “ the committee's wanting to be made Lords and Protectors," I can say thas much, that by the Great God that made me! if I thought I could have influence enough to make any honest set of men the REAL PROTECTORS of this greviously injured people, I would harangue the multitude night and day! I would rush into the midnight cabals of artful and designing men, and drag them forth to public view! In short, what is it I would not do, at the hazard of my life, to save this land from impending ruin! I each day see the rocks and shoals present their ghastly forms to us; yet, alas! my forebodings are treated with derision, and our helmsmen invariably steer the same course.

It will take no great length of time to shew what will be the event. I trenible for our fate."

Excepting the time consumed by the mission to Head Quarters, or when Col. Peabody was confined by sickness, the journals bear evidence, that he was always at his post in Congress, faithfully discharging the duties of his station. Letters in his files also show, that his conduct was approved and applauded by many of the most illustrious patriots of that time. One from Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, dated Nov. 2, 1779, contains the following tribute of praise :

“Though not personally acquainted with you, I hope I shall be pardoned for this letter. I have seen the proceedings of Congress in a late affair, and I have obsery

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ed New-Hampshire supporting the cause of virtue against a very powerful and not less artful and wicked cabal, aiming at the public injury through the sides of its faithful servant; and I have been informed particularly, Sir, of your very worthy support of a character that has not deserved the treatment he has met with. NewHampshire has long been celebrated for spirit; and it has now, on an extraordinary occasion, when very powerful efforts were made to debauch and to mislead, proved its title to the still higher qualities of wisdom and virtue . “ I shall esteem myself much honoured by your correspondence.”

In a letter to him, dated Dec. 6, 1779, Hon. John Langdon says, “ About a fortnight since, I received a letter from my brother, mentioning your name in high terms as a very useful member of Congress, and wishing that you might be prevailed upon to tarry through the winter; and three days since he returned home, and seems much pleased with you as a colleague. I mention this only as an agreeable circumstance in favour of the public, and your mutual good characters.”

Though Colonel Peabody was never weary or faint in the cause of his country, it seems, that early in 1780 he was desirous of resigning his seat in Congress. His affairs in NewHampshire then required his attention, and the ill state of his health, in August and September following, must have turned his thoughts with double force on home.

February 7, 1780, he wrote to Judge Langdon“ I was in great hopes to have been relieved by Mr. Livermore, but find I am not. Nothing but the cause of my country and the advice of my friends, among whoản I have placed not a little dependance upon your opinion, could have induced me to sacrifice my interest and

by tarrying here through the winter, and I must beg your influence, that I may be relieved very early in the spring as I shall absolutely, if alive, within about eight weeks from this time at furthest."

The 18th of March, Hon. John Langdon wrote him— “ The General Court adjourns this day. The sickness and death of my father prevented my attending the session. I understand by Gen. Whipple that they have not appointed any person to relieve you, and as the court do not meet again until June next, you must go on in doing all the good you can for us,

for “verily you shall have your reward." I am fully sensible that no gentleman can add to his for. tune by attending Congress.”

President Weare, in a letter to him of the 8th of August, observes, “I am fully ser.sible your absence must be very injurious to your private affairs, and your speedy return be very grateful to your friends, but the public service requires your attendance there, and you must look for your reward from the satisfaction of having done service in the important cause for which America is now contending. If you, and many

, others, expect any other reward here, I believe they will be much disappointed. But put a good face on it, we hope for better times.” On the subject of his sickness, Gen. Greene wrote the 6th of September. “I am made very unhappy by your long and obstinate indisposition. When you left the army, we were in hopes it was only a slight touch of a

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fever, which a little relaxation and recess from business would soon remove. But, to our sorrow, we hear you are still persecuted with an intermitting fever, which threatens you with a still longer confinement.

You have my prayers for your speedy recovery, as well from motives of private friendship, as public good.” The 27th of September, Colonel Peabody wrote General Sullivan, then at Congress, 66 the state of my

health is still such as will make it necessary for me to take a tour eastward, as soon as the report of the committee is completed, which in all probability will deprive me of a personal interview with you this season.” Colonel Peabody having received at Morristown “some very favora- . ble intelligence from the southward," and esteeming it of vast importance that the commander-in-chief should have the earliest advice of every interesting'occurrence, communicated it by express to General Washington, on the 25th of October, and the General the next day replied, “I am exceedingly obliged by the very agreeable and important intelligence communicated in yours of last evening. This blow, if rightly improved, may give a total change to the southern affairs. I am glad to hear that your health has so far mended as to make you think of going abroad. It will give me great pleasure to see you at Head Quarters. Colonel Peabody was relieved by the appointment of Woodbury Langdon in his room, November 9, and no doubt, returned to New Hampshire about that time. He did not, however, retire to "the shades of private life," for in 1781 we find him in the House of Representatives,

In 1782 and 1783, Colonel Peabody was a representative to the General Court. He was also a member of the convention to form a constitution for the State, and chairman of the committee which drew it up.

In 1784, he was a member of the House, and was elected counsellor by both branches in convention. At the October session he also acted on several committees in the House. The 14th of December, he was appointed a justice of the Court of Common Pleas, but declined the office: and the 25th, was appointed a justice of the peace and quorum, for the several counties.

In 1785, he was elected a representative for his district, and a senator for Rockingham, by the people, and a coussellor by the Legislature. June 21, he was appointed a Delegate to Congress for one year, commencing the November following; but it is probable he never took his seat, as he informed the General Court, November 3, that having

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good reason to expect that Mr. Long, one of the Delegates, then at Congress, would tarry, and that Mr. Langdon would accept, and take his seat by the 1st of November; he had not made the necessary arrangements for leaving the State for any considerable time; and requesting, as he should not be able to attend to his duties in Congress so early as the public affairs demanded, that some other gentleman might be appointed in his room, March 25th, he was appointed Brigadier General of the corps of Light-horsemen. This corps consisted of two regiments of six companies each, besides independent companies composed of gentlemen not liable to do duty in the train band.

In 1787, '88 and '89, he was in the House. The last year, he was commissioned by President Sullivan, a justice of the peace and quorum through the State ; was chairman of a committee “ to examine the laws of this State, and report whether

any,

and what laws of this State militate with the laws and constitution of the United States;" and was appointed, with President Sullivan, and Hon. Josiah Bartlett, to review the militia laws in the recess of the Legislature.

In 1790, he was in the Senate, and was appointed with Jeremiah Smith and John Samuel Sherburne, "a committee (as the vote expresses it) to select, revise, and arrange all the laws and public resolves of the State now in force, whether passed before or since the revolution, that the same may be compiled in one volume, and to prepare an intelligible index to be affixed thereto.” This task was performed by the committee. Of the New-Hampshire Medical Society, which was incorporated at the close of this political year, General Peabody was one of the chief founders.

In 1791, he was a Senator; chairman of the committee " to report the measures necessary to be adopted to carry into effect that part of the constitution of this State directing a convention to be called, for a revision of the same;" was a member of that convention, Vice-President of it, and on most of its important committees. In June, President Wheelock, by desire of several of the Trustees of Dartmouth College, wrote to him, to solicit the honor of his presence at the approaching commencement, and saying, that they should then be happy to show him respect. He added, “we have a particular sense of your friendship and influence in favor of the institution." They did at that commencement confer on him the honorary degree of Master of Arts.

In 1792, he was, as Governor Bartlett informed him, "elected senator for the county of Rockingham, by the free suf