numbers, 1, 3, and 2; and from these data we can compute the squares of all numbers up to 30,000,000. In the same manner, by giving the machine the numbers 1, 7, 6, 6, we can produce a table of cubes, the limit being 15 figures. The same principles apply in the computation of logarithms, or any series of numbers what

ever.

CALIFORNIA, the oldest of the Pacific States, first settled in 1769, ceded to the United States by Mexico in March, 1848, and admitted into the Union in 1850. Its capital is Sacramento, and its area formerly stated as 188,982 square miles, is now ascertained by surveys to be only 158,687 square miles. Its population in 1860, as stated by the corrected census, was 365,439, and its estimated population in 1864. was 460,000, of whom not far from 40,000 are Chinese, Mexicans, and Indians.

The Governor till December, 1867, is Frederick F. Low, of Yuba, Republican, who receives a salary of $7,000 in gold. The Governor, Lieut.Governor, Secretary of State, Comptroller, Treasurer, Attorney-General, Surveyor-General, and Superintendent of Public Instruction, are all elected for four years.

There was no State or judicial election in California in 1864, but at the election for President, November 8th, 1864, members of Congress were also chosen. The vote for President was: for Abraham Lincoln, 58,698; for George B. McClellan, 42,255. Lincoln's majority 16,443. The members of Congress elected were: 1st District, Donald C. McRuer; 2d, William Higby; 3d, John Bidwell. They were all Union Republicans.

The Legislature, in 1864, constituted three new counties, Alpine, county seat Silver Mountain; Coso, county seat ; and Lassen, county seat Susanville. There are now

49 counties.

In a recent message on the finances of the State, Gov. Low estimates the total debt of the State, on the 1st of January, 1864, at $5,365,640.71, but does not, for some reason, include, in the aggregate, the debt on the Indian war bonds and the donation to the Pacific Railroad. Adding these, the whole debt is $6,084,509.25.

The receipts of treasure at San Francisco from the interior, for the first six months of 1864, were $26,393,427; the export of treasure for the same period, from that port, were $28,993,711.27, and for the year over $56,000,000. The number of periodicals and newspapers published in the State, in 1864, was 113, of which 21 were daily papers, 83 weekly or oftener, 7 monthly or semi-monthly, and 2 annual. In December, 1864, the first number of a monthly magazine of high character was issued in New York and San Francisco, called "The Pacific Monthly." Though edited, printed, and published in New York, its editors and publishers are Californians, and the aim of the magazine is to foster literature, art, and science on the Pacific slope.

The agricultural progress of California, especially in the directions of grape culture and wool growing, are treated under the head of AGRICULTURE. The State has developed its mining resources considerably during the year 1864, the tailings or refuse from the washings of the gold having been worked with great advantage by new processes. Late in the year its extensive deposits of asphaltum and petroleum in Santa Barbara, San Luis Obispo, and Buena Vista Counties attracted much attention, and companies with large capital were formed for working them. It is thought that the State will prove as rich in these as in other mineral products. The Pacific Railroad, California division, is under contract to Virginia City, Nevada, and will be completed during the present year.

The assessable property of the State, from the returns of 1862, the latest yet published, was, in real estate and improvements, $80,735,855.35; personal property, $72,647,666.01; total, including mining claims, $160,399,071.81. The returns of 1864 will doubtless show a material increase. The number of acres of improved lands in 1862, was 6,950,852.

CAMPBELL, Rev. JOHN N., D. D., an American Presbyterian clergyman and scholar, born in Philadelphia, March 4, 1798, died in Albany, N. Y., March 27, 1864. He was a pupil for a number of years of James Ross, a celebrated teacher of Philadelphia, and at an early age entered the University of Pennsylvania, but for some reason did not complete his collegiate course. At about the age of 16 or 17 he commenced a course_of_theological study with Rev. Ezra Stiles, D. D., and after some time went to Virginia, where he continued his theological course, being for some months also connected with Hampden Sydney College as teacher of languages. In May, 1817, when but 19 years of age he was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of Hanover, Va. In 1820 he was chosen chaplain to Congress; and filled the position with ability and acceptance. After the close of the session he returned to Virginia, and for the next two years preached as a stated supply in Petersburg, Va., and Newbern, N. C., and perhaps some other places. In 1823 he became the assistant of Rev. Dr. Balch of Georgetown, D. C., and about the beginning of 1825 accepted a call to the pastorate of the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church, in Washington, D. C., where his remarkable eloquence and ability soon gathered a very large congregation. He remained in this pastorate for six years, being at the same time one of the most active managers of the American Colonization Society. In 1831, Chief Justice Spencer, a member of the congregation of the First Presbyterian Church in Albany, being then in Congress, and an attendant on Mr. Campbell's preaching, resolved to secure him as pastor of the Albany Church, then without a minister. The call to Albany was made and accepted in September, 1831, and Mr. Campbell remained

the pastor of that church till his death. He was also for more than twenty years one of the Regents of the University of the State of New York, a position of honor, and one involving much severe labor, but without emolument. Dr. Campbell was a man of remarkably quick perception, tenacious memory, great decision of character, and of courteous and dignified manners. He possessed great executive ability, methodical habits, and admirable taste; and though possessed of extraordinary eloquence and the other graces which adapted him to his profession, it was often remarked that he might have filled with equal ability and success any other station in the State or nation. His last sickness was very brief, lasting but five days. Though a vigorous and able writer, Dr. Campbell had published very little; a few sermons, some of the reports of the Board of Regents, and occasional addresses are, we believe, all his avowed publications.

CANADA. His Excellency, the Right Hon. Charles Stanley, Viscount Monck, Baron Monck of Ballytrammon, in the County of Wexford, Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief in and over the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the Island of Prince Edward, and Vice-Admiral of the same, &c., &c.

The Cabinet: President of the Council, George Brown, Receiver-General and Minister of Militia Affairs; Colonel Sir E. P. Taché, Premier; Attorney-General for Upper Canada,, John A. Macdonald; Attorney-General for Lower Canada, G. E. Cartier; Minister of Finance, A. T. Galt; Provincial Secretary, William McDougall; Commissioner of Crown Lands, A. Campbell; Minister of Agriculture and Statistics, T. D. McGee; Postmaster-General, W. P. Howland; Commissioner of Public Works, J. C. Chapais; Solicitor-General for Upper Canada, James Cockburn; Solicitor-General for Lower Canada, H. L. Langwin.

In the latter part of May, 1862, the Coalition Administration of Messrs. Cartier and Macdonald (John A.), after governing Canada with little or no intermission for a period of eight years, was defeated upon the third stage in the passage of the Volunteer Militia Bill-an elaborate measure calculated to place the citizen soldiery of the Province on a more efficient footing, and to do much else toward the defence of the country in the event of sudden åggression. Although a majority in the Assembly decided against the enactment of this very necessary piece of legislation, it is not to be supposed that the members who composed it were actuated by a spirit of disloyalty, or that they had a disregard to the wants of the country on defence. The measure was looked upon as an expensive one, and this appeared to be the main objection to it. The formation of a new Ministry was entrusted to Mr. Sandfield Macdonald, a gentleman who had previously held a sort of middle course in politics, with a leaning toward the Reform party. He, with the cooperation of Mr. Sicotte, the leader of

the Rouge party from Lower Canada, called to the Council-board prominent members of the Reform party, and with a policy which consisted of what is known in Canada as Double majority," or governing each section of the Province by its own preponderance of repre sentatives in the House; with retrenchment in the civil expenses of the Government; extension of the Northwest Territory, and the construction of the Inter-Colonial Railway (i. e. between Canada and the Lower or maritime Provinces), as to its salient points, endeavored to administer the affairs of the country, although standing in a minority in both Houses of Parliament. The new Government, although composed of many gentlemen of integrity and ability, and allowed the fullest opportunity by the Opposition (led by the Hon. John A. Macdonald, a British-American statesman of great acknowledged ability), to propound and carry out their policy, after a year's tenure failed to satisfy the Assembly of their ability further to hold the seals of office. By an adverse vote* in May, 1863, Parliament declared its want of confidence in the occupants of the Treasury benches. A change in the personnel in the Lower Canada portion of the Government (the substitution of M. Dorion for M. Sicotte in the leadership) took place, and with this and other changes, not the least of which was the abandonment of the "Double Majority" principle, an appeal to the people was made. The general election took place in the middle of the summer season, a very inappropriate time, and the Government, as remodelled, gained a large majority in Upper Canada. But if they were successful in one section of the country they lost heavily in the other. The Opposition, strengthened by the accession to its ranks of the expelled portion of the cabinet, carried every thing before them in Lower Canada. Three ministers of the Crown were defeated in their several constituencies-one of whom courting his ill-fate in two places.

The session of Parliament which followed in the fall of the year, was one of the fiercestin point of antagonism and strife between the two parties-ever held in Canada. The curious anomaly was presented of Government and Opposition standing on a footing of equality in party strength, or nearly so. The former possessed a majority of three, and upon several divisions not even that. All useful legislation was stopped; the whole time of the House was taken up in party disputes. Yet notwithstanding the efforts of a powerful, united, and persistent Opposition, ministers maintained a precarious existence against the repeated attacks of their Parliamentary assailants.

Previous to the general election, Mr. George Brown, the former leader of the Reform party in Upper Canada, who, upon his defeat for Toronto in 1861, had temporarily retired from

The Resolution was moved by the leader of the Opposition in a powerful and logical speech, which will be long remembered in the Canadian Parliament.

public life, again entered the political arena as a member of the Assembly. Although having great cause of complaint against his party for the ill treatment he had experienced at their hands since the first of these events, he nevertheless, after his return to Parliament, lent the Reform government the full force of his support and that of his influential journal, the Toronto "Globe;" and this, no doubt, contributed in a great measure to their success in the Western Province. Mr. Brown, since his advent into public life, had set himself up as the champion of Upper Canada rights. He had demanded for her increased representation in Parliament according to her excess of population over Lower Canada. The majority in each section is composed of people of different nationalities and of different creeds, and it may well be supposed that such a demand would be viewed by the weaker of the two with great distrust and as a covert design upon its liberties. It is not here asserted that this was the intention or the object of the demand, which, on a fair consideration of the case, may be deemed a sufficiently just one, but such was the light in which it was looked upon by the French Canadians of the Lower Province. A feeling of wide-spread and deepseated antipathy between both people, which manifested itself on every possible occasion, had arisen out of the discussion of this question, and not a Parliamentary election took place in Canada but the main issue rested upon Representation by Population." Many a statesman who had adorned the Senate-halls of his country had been driven with ignominy from public life by the people of Upper Canada because his convictions would not allow him to countenance the principle. Such was the result of the influence of the views of Mr. Brown, that at times vague fears were apprehended for the peace of the country. To counteract these, and to preserve inviolate the Constitutional Union of the two Provinces, was the object of the Liberal Conservative party of which Mr. John A. Macdonald was the leader. Suffice it to say of Mr. Macdonald, that if to-day Canada holds an important place on the map of the world, it is more or less the result of his labors during his twenty odd years of parliamentary and ministerial generalship.*

64

The Government continued, with few changes, to hold office until the session of March, 1864; yet, notwithstanding their every effort, failed to strengthen themselves. Indeed, it would seem that their present policy was such as to have the effect of curtailing the support they had possessed during the previous session. One good measure, and only one, emanated from them that has been of considerable benefit to Canada: the establishment of schools for the professional education of officers of the Volunteer Force. In the mean time the Opposition or "British Constitutional party," as

* Many men have wrought for the public weal in Canada, but none so ably and none so effectually as him we speak of

they were now called, was slowly but steadily gathering strength. In two or three casual election contests which ensued, victory was declared on their side, and in many places they were the recipients of demonstrations and ovations in their honor.

These events would seem to have had their due effect upon the ministry, for shortly after the assembling of Parliament, finding himself and his colleagues unequal longer to hold the reins of power, Mr. S. Macdonald sent in his and their resignations. A crisis arrives. The Opposition, although in a small majority, are deemed too weak to occupy the vacant seats at the Cabinet board. Negotiations are entered into between prominent men on each side, between Sir E. P. Taché and Mr. Cartier on the one part, and Mr. McDougall, a rising statesman who has already attained an eminent position in Canada, and Mr. Ferguson Blair on the other; but both resulted in a want of agreement. The Governor-General at length entrusts the formation of a Cabinet to Sir E. P. Taché and Mr. J. A. Macdonald without the aid of the Liberal party. A Ministry is formed which in the personnel numbers men of rare talents and abilities and great Parliamentary knowledge and experience. The policy of the new Government is such as to satisfy the expectations formed by their friends, but not so the ex-ministerial party; and with all the power and strength of which the latter is capable, the members of the Upper Canada section of the Government are assailed at their reëlection. One minister alone, however, is defeated. The expectations of the Government to carry through the remainder of the session of Parliament and to develop their policy are doomed to disappointment; for, on a sudden, they are attacked by a motion, not affecting their policy, or, indeed, in any way relating to the Administration to which they belong, but to a particular member who had held office in a previous Government, and the result of the motion is shown in a majority of two against them. The Ministry resign, and again for the second time within a few months a ministerial crisis ensues. Things had come to a "deadlock," and some arrangement between the two parties had to be come to. This was the germ of the Confederation policy of the Canadian Government. In the dilemma in which political parties were placed Mr. Brown stepped forth to the relief of the Ministry. He was the man whom, of all others, had brought about the present state of affairs, and it was meet that he should be the instrument of conciliation, and the party who should restore harmony to the system of Government. In the preceding session Mr. Brown had put upon the "notice paper" a motion for a committee for the ostensible purpose of taking into consideration the claims of Upper Canada to increased representation, and if possible to devise some scheme that would have the effect of satisfying this claim. The committee had not been appointed

until the present session, and its report had but just been made to the House. It recommended the adoption of the Federal principle in British North America as a necessary step toward the attainment of the object in view. In the negotiations which ensued between Mr. Brown and the leaders of the Government, he demanded the adoption of this report as the basis of the policy of the Government; and it is but justice to the leaders of the Lower Canada section of the Administration to say, that in acceding to this proposition they manifested a spirit of patriotism for their country worthy of all praise. Mr. Brown entered the Government, taking the place of Mr. Buchanan as President of the Council, and brought with him two prominent and able members of the Liberal party (Messrs. McDougall and Mowat), who had held office in the previous Cabinet.

In the meanwhile, previous to the occurrence of these events, the several Governments of the Maritime Provinces (Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island) had resolved upon a Federal Union among themselves, the first-named of which Provinces had taken the initiative in the matter. A joint conference of delegates from each Government took place at Charlottetown on 1st September for the above purpose. Thither the members of the Canadian Government proceeded upon the invitation of their Colonial brethren, and there they unfolded the object of their mission. After the various addresses had been made by prominent members as to the desirability of Union between the whole of British North America and the mutual advantages likely to result from such connection, the conference closed, and the second one was appointed to take place at Quebec on 15th October. Previous, however, to returning home, the Canadian ministers were the recipients of various demonstrations, proving unmistakably that the best wishes of the people of the Lower Provinces were with them in their endeavors to build up a great Northern AngloSaxon nationality. The conference at Quebec was composed of the following members:

Canada.-Hon. Messrs. Sir E. P. Táché, John A. Macdonald, Brown, Cartier, Galt, McGee, McDougall, Campbell, Mowat, Cockburn, Chapais, and Langwin. Nova Scotia.-Hon. Messrs. Tupper, Henry, McCully, Dickey, and Archibald.

New Brunswick.-Hon. Messrs. Tilley, Steeves, Johnson, Mitchell, Chandler, Gray, and Fisher. Prince Edward Island.-Hon. Messrs. Gray, Palmer,

Pope, Macdonald, Coles, Haviland, and Whelan. Newfoundland.-Messrs. Carter and Shea appeared for the purpose of watching the proceedings on behalf of this Colony.

The Executive Secretary was Major Hewitt Bernard, the Chief Clerk of the Crown Law Department of Canada.

As the result of perhaps one of the most memorable meetings of the kind held on this continent* we give a copy of the resolutions adopted at the Conference. (See PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.) After the rising of the Conference the Dele

The Conference sat sixteen days.

gates paid a rapid visit to the various cities and towns in the Province, and were everywhere received by the people with the utmost enthusiasm. The manner in which the resolutions were received by the Home Government is shown in the following letter:

DOWNING STREET, 3d December, 1864. MY LORD.-Her Majesty's Government have received with the most cordial satisfaction your Lordship's despatch of the 7th ultimo, transmitting for their consideration the Resolutions adopted by the Representatives of the several Provinces of British North America, who are assembled at Quebec. invitation of the Governor-General, men of every With the sanction of the Crown, and upon the Province, chosen by the respective Lieutenant-Governors, without distinction of party, assembled to consider questions of the utmost interest to every subject of the Queen, of whatever race or faith, resident in those Provinces: and have arrived at a conclusion destined to exercise a most important influence upon the future welfare of the whole community.

Animated by the warmest sentiments of loyalty and devotion to their Sovereign; earnestly desirous time, the advantages which they enjoy as subjects of to secure for their posterity, throughout all future the British Crown, steadfastly attached to the Institutions under which they live,-they have conducted their deliberations with patient sagacity, and have arrived at unanimous conclusions on questions infavorable auspices, to have given rise to many difvolving many difficulties, and calculated, under less ferences of opinion.

Such an event is in the highest degree honorable to those who have taken part in these deliberations. It must inspire confidence in the men by whose judgment and temper this result has been attained, and will ever remain on record as as evidence of the salutary influence exercised by the Institutions under which these qualities have been so signally developed.

Her Majesty's Government have given to your despatch and to the Resolutions of the Conference, their most deliberate consideration. They have regarded them as a whole, and as having been designed by those who framed them, to establish as complete and perfect a Union of the whole, into one Government, as the circumstances of the case and a due consideration of existing interests would admit. They accept them, therefore, as being, in the deliberate judgment of those best qualified to decide upon the subject, the best framework of a measure to be passed by the Imperial Parliament for attaining

that most desirable result.

The point of principal importance to the practical well-working of the scheme, is the accurate determination of the limits between the authority of the Central and that of the Local Legislatures, in their relation to each other. It has not been possible to exclude from the Resolutions some provisions which appear to be less consistent than might, perhaps, have been desired with the simplicity and unity of Majesty's Government that precautions have been the system. But, upon the whole, it appears to her

taken which are obviously intended to secure to the Central Government the means of effective action throughout the several Provinces, and to guard against those evils which must inevitably arise, if any doubt were permitted to exist as to the respective limits of Central and Local authority. They are glad to observe that, although large powers of legisfation are intended to be vested in local bodies, yet the principle of central control has been steadily kept in view. The importance of this principle cannot be overrated. Its maintenance is essential to the practical efficiency of the system and to its harmonious operation, both in the General Government and in the Governments of the several Provinces. A very important part of this subject is the expense

which may attend the working of the Central and the Local Government. Her Majesty's Government cannot but express the earnest hope that the arrangements which may be adopted in this respect, may not be of such a nature as to increase-at least in any considerable degree-the whole expenditure, or to make any material addition to the taxation, and thereby retard the internal industry, or tend to impose new burdens on the commerce of the country.

Her Majesty's Government are anxious to lose no time in conveying to you their general approval of the proceedings of the Conference. There are, however, two provisions of great importance which seem to require revision. The first of these is the provision contained in the 44th Resolution, with respect to the exercise of the Prerogative of Pardon. It appears to her Majesty's Government that this duty belongs to the Representative of the Sovereign, and could not with propriety be devolved upon the Lieutenant-Governors, who will, under the present scheme, be appointed, not directly by the Crown, but by the Central Government of the United Provinces. The second point which her Majesty's Government desire should be reconsidered is the Constitution of the Legislative Council. They appreciate the considerations which have influenced the Conference in determining the mode in which this body, so important to the Constitution of the Legislature, should be composed. But it appears to them to require further consideration whether, if the members be appointed for life, and their number be fixed, there will be any sufficient means of restoring harmony between the Legislative Council and the popular Assembly, if it shall ever unfortunately happen that a decided difference of opinion shall arise between them.

Her

These two points, relating to the Prerogative of the Crown and to the Constitution of the Upper Chamber, have appeared to require distinct and separate notice. Questions of minor consequence and matters of detailed arrangement may properly be reserved for a future time, when the provisions of the bill intended to be submitted to the Imperial Parliament shall come under consideration. Majesty's Government anticipate no serious difficulty in this part of the case, since the Resolutions will generally be found sufficiently explicit to guide those who will be entrusted with the preparation of the Bill. It appears to them, therefore, that you should now take immediate measures, in concert with the Lieutenant-Governors of the several Provinces, for submitting to their respective Legislatures this project of the Conference; and if, as I hope, you are able to report that those Legislatures sanction and adopt the scheme, Her Majesty's Government will render you all the assistance in their power for carrying it into effect. It will probably be found to be the most convenient course that, in concert with the Lieutenant-Governors, you should select a deputation of the persons best qualified to proceed to this country, that they may be present during the preparation of the Bill, and give to her Majesty's Government the benefit of their counsel upon any questions which may arise during the passage of the measure through the two Houses of Parliament.

(Signed) EDWARD CARDWELL. Governor Viscount MONCK.

The Financial Position of the Provinces.*

The Auditor's Statement of the Liabilities of Canada.

Debenture debt, direct and indirect..
Miscellaneous liabilities.

Common School Fund...
Indian Fund....

Banking Accounts..

Average of the last four years.

+ Interest on excess of debt.

$65,238,649 21

64,426 14

1,181,958 85

1,577,802 46

3,396,962 81

Not estimated by Mr. Galt, for reasons given in the speech.