Remarks Prior to Discussions With Nelson Mandela June 25, 1990 The President. Welcome to all of you. It is a great pleasure, a sincere pleasure, for Barbara and me to welcome to the White House Mr. and Mrs. Mandela-Mr. Mandela, a man who embodies the hopes of millions. In our meetings this morning, he and I will talk about the future of South Africa, and it is my sincere hope that these talks will be productive discussions that will contribute to positive change toward true democracy and the dismantling once and for all of apartheid. We meet at a time of transition for South Africa. We applaud the recent steps President de Klerk and the Government of South Africa have taken to expand the rights and freedoms of all South Africans. These are positive developments, steps toward a fully free and democratic future that we all wish to see for all of the people of South Africa. In order for progress to continue, we must see on all sides a clear commitment to change. All parties must seize the opportunity to move ahead in a spirit of compromise and tolerance, flexibility and patience. And from all parties, we look for a clear and unequivocal commitment to negotiations leading to peaceful change. I call on all elements in South African society to renounce the use of violence in armed struggle, break free from the cycle of repression and violent reaction that breeds nothing but more fear and suffering. In the words of the great Martin Luther King, Jr., "Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred." Mr. Mandela, in the eyes of millions around the world, you stand against apartheid, against a system that bases the rights and freedoms of citizenship on the color of one's skin. That system is repugnant to the conscience of men and women everywhere, repugnant to the ideals that we in America hold so dear. No system that denies the rights that belong to each and every individual can endure forever. Apartheid must end. The United States, committed to the concept of free market and a productive private sector, is ready to do its part to encour age rapid and peaceful change toward political and economic freedom. We will continue to urge American firms that are still doing business in South Africa to play a progressive role in training and empowering blacks and building a foundation for future prosperity. But while the reform process has moved forward-and it has-apartheid remains a reality, and genuine democracy a dream. Our sanctions have been designed to support change. And when the conditions laid down in our law have been met, then, and only then, will we consider, in consultation with the Congress, whether a change in course will promote further progress through peaceful negotiations. Mr. Mandela, we in this country support the struggle against apartheid. For two centuries, we had our own battles. America fought its own battles to promote the standard of equal rights. It was here at the White House in a room now obscured by these coverings because we're repainting the White House-but it's right there, in the midst of the Civil War, that Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, that great beacon of light and hope. In the room where this historic document was signed, even now we feel the power of the undeniable truth that guided Lincoln's hand: that all men must be free. In this past year, freedom has made great gains. A terrible chapter of oppression has ended for millions of men and women in Eastern Europe, in Asia, and in this hemisphere. People have defeated, through peaceful means, dictatorships that promised freedom and progress but delivered only poverty and repression. The triumph is far from universal. There are still those who rule through force and terror. But the events of this past year have been clear: The future belongs not to the dwindling ranks of the world's dictators but to democracy, the millions of friends of freedom the world over. Mr. Mandela, you said many years ago, before the first of your 10,000 days in prison, that there is no easy walk to freedom. Your years of suffering, your nation's suffering-they've borne that out. But just as, this past year, so many millions of people in Eastern Europe and elsewhere tasted freedom, so, too, South Africa's time will come. As Martin Luther King said on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, we cannot walk alone. Sir, we here in America walk in solidarity with all the South Africans who seek through nonviolent means democracy, human rights, and freedom. Once again, it is a sincere privilege to welcome you to the White House, and may God bless you and all the people of South Africa. Welcome, sir. Mr. Mandela. Mr. President, it is an honor and a pleasure for my wife, my delegation, and I to be welcomed by you. This is a continuation of the rousing welcome which we have received from the people of New York and Boston, of black and white. That welcome has far exceeded our wildest expectations. We look forward to visiting Atlanta and other cities because we are confident that the warm welcome we have received is not confined to New York, Boston, and Washington. That mood expresses the commitment of all the people of the United States of America to the struggle for the removal of apartheid. One thing that is very clear, and it has been made even more clear in the remarks by the President, is that on the question of the removal of apartheid and the introduction of a nonracial democracy in our country we are absolutely unanimous. That is something that we have always known because the people of America and the President, in particular, have spoken in this regard in very clear and firm terms. And this has been a source of great encouragement to our people. To receive the support of any government is, in our situation, something of enormous importance; but to receive the support of the Government of the United States of America, the leader of the West, is something beyond words. If today we are confident that the dreams which have inspired us all these years is about to be realized, it is, in very large measure, because of the support we have got from the masses of the people of the United States of America and, in particular, from the Government and from the President. There are very important political developments that have taken place in our country today, and it is my intention to brief the President as fully as possible on these developments. We are doing so because it is necessary for him to understand not only in broad outline what is happening in our country, he must be furnished with the details which may not be so available to the public so that the enormous assistance that he has given us should be related to the actual developments in the country. I will also ask the President to maintain sanctions because it is because of sanctions that such enormous progress has been made in the attempt to address the problems of our country. I will also inform him about developments as far as the arms struggle is concerned. The remarks that he has made here are due to the fact that he has not as yet got a proper briefing from us. I might just state in passing that the methods of political action which are used by the black people of South Africa were determined by the South African Government. As long as a government is prepared to talk, to maintain channels of communication between itself and the governed, there can be no question of violence whatsoever. But when a government decides to ban political organizations of the oppressed, intensifies oppression, and does not allow any free political activity, no matter how peaceful and nonviolent, then the people have no alternative but to resort to violence. There is not a single political organization in our country, inside and outside Parliament, which can ever compare with the African National Congress in its total commitment to peace. If we are forced to resort to violence, it is because we had no other alternative whatsoever. But even in this regard, there have been significant developments which I hope to brief the President on. I am also going to brief the President on the key role which the ANC now occupies in the country as a result of his efforts to mobilize the entire country around the question of peace. We have and are addressing the question of black unity. We are also addressing ourselves to means and methods of helping Mr. de Klerk to maintain his position with confidence and to go on with the negotiations without looking over his shadow. We have already started important initiatives in trying to mobilize the white community, not only those who support him but even the right wing, because we are the only organization in the world that can help Mr. de Klerk to maintain his position. And I am going to urge on the President not to do anything without a full consultation with the ANC in regard to any initiative which he might propose to take in order to help the peace process in the country. As people who are operating inside, and as the architects of the peace process, it is absolutely necessary for everybody who wants to be of assistance in the struggle of the black people inside the country and who want to help promote the peace process to have a full consultation with the ANC before any step is taken. Finally, Mr. President, I would like to congratulate you and President Gorbachev for the magnificent efforts that you are making in order to reduce international tensions and to promote peace. It is my hope that governments throughout the world will follow your example and attempt to settle problems between governments, and between governments and dissidents inside its country, by peaceful methods. You and comrade Gorbachev have opened a chapter in world history which might well be regarded as the turning point in many respects. And here we congratulate you and wish you every success. Note: The President spoke at 10:42 a.m. at the South Portico of the White House. Following their remarks, the President and Mr. Mandela met in the Oval Office and then attended a luncheon in the Old Family Dining Room. Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Release of Fang Lizhi June 25, 1990 Dr. Fang Lizhi and his wife, Li Shuxian, have left the U.S. Embassy in Beijing to proceed to the United Kingdom. The United States Government welcomes the PRC [People's Republic of China] Govern ment's decision to facilitate the departure of Dr. Fang and his wife for reasons of Dr. Fang's health and well-being and to permit Dr. Fang to pursue his important research in astrophysics. This humanitarian action is a farsighted, significant step that will improve the atmosphere for progress in our bilateral relations. Statement by Press Secretary Fitzwater on the Acquisition of Norton Company by BTR of the United Kingdom June 25, 1990 The President has decided against intervening in the possible acquisition of Norton Co. by BTR plc of the United Kingdom. Norton Co. manufactures abrasive products and engineering materials, including advanced ceramics. In addition, Norton has engaged in extensive research and development of advanced ceramics and diamond films. The President based his decision on the results of the investigation by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), chaired by Treasury Secretary Nicholas F. Brady. CFIUS conducted a thorough investigation of various national security issues relating to this possible acquisition. The BTR-Norton investigation was conducted pursuant to section 5021 of the Omnibus Trade and Competitiveness Act of 1988. That provision, known as the ExonFlorio provision, authorizes the President to investigate and, if necessary, to suspend or prohibit a proposed foreign acquisition of a U.S. business engaged in interstate commerce. The criteria to suspend or prohibit a transaction are that the President must find: credible evidence that leads him to believe that the foreign investor might take action that threatens to impair the national security; that existing laws, other than the International Emergency Economic Powers Act and the Exon-Florio provision itself, do not provide adequate and appropriate authority to protect the national security. Statement on the Federal Budget I met this morning with the bipartisan leadership-the Speaker, the Senate majority leader, the Senate Republican leader, the House majority leader, and the House Republican leader-to review the status of the deficit reduction negotiations. It is clear to me that both the size of the deficit problem and the need for a package that can be enacted require all of the following: entitlement and mandatory program reform, tax revenue increases, growth incentives, discretionary spending reductions, orderly reductions in defense expenditures, and budget process reform to assure that any bipartisan agreement is enforceable and that the deficit problem is brought under responsible control. The bipartisan leadership agree with me on these points. The budget negotiations will resume promptly with a view toward reaching substantive agreement as quickly as possible. Note: The statement referred to Thomas S. Foley, Speaker of the House of Representatives; George J. Mitchell, Senate majority leader; Robert Dole, Senate Republican leader; Richard A. Gephardt, House majority leader; and Robert H. Michel, House Republican leader. Message on the Observance of Each July 4th, people across the United States pause to celebrate the continued success of our Nation's great experiment in self-government. It is a day marked by joyous gatherings with family and friends, by colorful parades and brilliant displays of fireworks-all the fanfare and festivities that befit a celebration of our freedom. On this Independence Day, we have added cause for rejoicing: during the past year, in nations that once bore the heavy yoke of totalitarianism, freedom-loving men and women have triumphed over regimes maintained by intimidation and force. The seeds of democratic thought planted on these shores 214 years ago have also taken root around the world. I am convinced that the people of the United States have inspired many of these changes-by word, deed, and example— particularly during the past 45 years. Recognizing the cause of freedom as universal, we have steadfastly defended human rights around the world, holding true to the belief "that all men are Created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness." Indeed, it is our devotion to these timeless ideals that has made the United States a model of freedom and a source of hope to so many. Today, as we raise the flag in celebration, we can take great pride in all that it represents. For millions of people around the globe, Old Glory has bid a warm welcome, marking a place of refuge from tyranny and persecution. For millions of others, it has represented the liberty to which all men are heirs. To us, may it always be the cherished symbol of freedom's first home and most steadfast ally on earth. All Americans have my best wishes for a safe and happy Independence Day. I offer special greetings and a heartfelt salute to those who will be observing the Fourth in Veterans Hospitals and at military installations far from home. The freedom and peace we enjoy would not be possible without your courage and sacrifice. May God bless you. George Bush Nomination of Michael Martin Skol To Be United States Ambassador to Venezuela June 26, 1990 The President today announced his intention to nominate Michael Martin Skol, of Illinois, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Republic of Venezuela. He would succeed Otto J. Reich. Since 1988 Mr. Skol has served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs. Prior to this, he served as Director of the Office of Andean Affairs, 1987-1988; Minister-Counselor for the U.S. Embassy in Bogota, Colombia, 1985-1987; Deputy Director of the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs in the Office of Policy Planning and Coordination at the State Department, 1982-1985. In addition, Mr. Skol has served as Political Counselor in San José, Costa Rica, 1978-1982; commercial attaché in Rome, 1976-1978; economic/ commercial officer in Naples, 1975-1976; and commercial attaché in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, 1972-1975. He also served as a desk officer at the State Department Bureau of Inter-American Affairs for Paraguay and Uruguay, 1971-1972, and Costa Rica, 1970-1971; a political officer in Saigon, Vietnam, 1967-1968; and a political officer in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 19661967. Mr. Skol entered the Foreign Service in 1965 and became a member of the Senior Foreign Service in 1984. Mr. Skol graduated from Yale University (B.A., 1964). He was born October 15, 1942, in Chicago, IL. Mr. Skol is married and resides in Washington, DC. Statement on Outer Continental Shelf I have often stated my belief that development of oil and gas on the outer continental shelf (OCS) should occur in an environmentally sound manner. I have received the report of the interagency OCS Task Force on Leasing and Development off the coasts of Florida and California and have accepted its recommendation that further steps to protect the environment are needed. Today I am announcing my support for a moratorium on oil and gas leasing and development in Sale Area 116, Part II, off the coast of Florida; Sale Area 91, off the coast of northern California; Sale Area 119, off the coast of central California; and the vast majority of Sale Area 95, off the coast of southern California, until after the year 2000. The combined effect of these decisions is that the coast of southwest Florida and more than 99 percent of the California coast will be off limits to oil and gas leasing and development until after the year 2000. Only those areas which are in close proximity to existing oil and gas development in Federal and State waters, comprising less than 1 percent of the tracts off the California coast, may be available before then. These areas, concentrated in the Santa Maria Basin and the Santa Barbara Channel, will not be available for leasing in any event until 1996, and then only if the further studies for which I am calling in response to the report of the National Academy of Sciences satisfactorily address concerns related to these tracts. I am also approving a proposal that would establish a National Marine Sanctuary in California's Monterey Bay and provide for a permanent ban on oil and gas development in the sanctuary, and I am asking the Secretary of the Interior to begin a process that may lead to the buyback and cancellation of existing leases in Sale Area 116, Part II, off southwest Florida. In addition, I am directing the Secretary of the Interior to delay leasing and development in several other areas where questions have been raised about the resource potential and the environmental implications of development. For Sale Area 132, off the coasts of Washington and Oregon, I am accepting the recommendation of the Secretary that further leasing and development activity be deferred until a series of environmental studies are completed, and directing that no such activity take place until after the year 2000. I am also canceling Lease Sale 96, in the Georges Bank area of the North Atlantic, and directing that no leasing and development activity take place in this area until after the year 2000. This will allow time for additional studies to determine the resource potential of the area and address the environmental and scientific concerns which have been raised. Finally, I am today directing the Secretary to take several steps to improve the OCS program and respond to several of the concerns expressed by the task force. My goal is to create a much more carefully targeted OCS program, one that is responsive |