was never practicable, from the genius and situation of the country, he had only remarked: "That depends upon the estimate we form of the human passions, and of the means of influencing them."

"The truth is," continues Hamilton, "that, with great apparent coldness, he is the most sanguine man in the world. He thinks everything possible to adventure and perseverance; and, though I believe he will fail, I think it almost certain he will attempt usurpation, and the attempt will involve great mischief.

“But there is one point of view which seems to me decisive. If the Anti-Federalists, who prevailed in the election, are left to take their own man, they remain responsible, and the Federalists remain free, united, and without stain, in a situation to resist with effect pernicious measures. If the Federalists substitute Burr, they adopt him, and become answerable for him. Whatever may be the theory of the case, abroad and at home (for so from the beginning it will be taught) Mr. Burr must become, in fact, the man of our party; and if he acts ill, we must share in the blame and disgrace. By adopting him, we do all we can to reconcile the minds of Federalists to him, and we prepare them for the effectual opera

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tion of his acts. He will, doubtless, gain many of them, and the Federalists will become a disorganized and contemptible party. Can there be any serious question between the policy of leaving the AntiFederalists to be answerable for the elevation of an objectionable man; and that of adopting ourselves, and becoming answerable for, a man, who on all hands is acknowledged to be a complete Catiline? 'Tis enough to state the question to indicate the answer, if reason, not passion, presides in the decision.

"You may communicate this and my former letter to discreet and confidential friends."

But the counsels of moderation and wisdom were thrown away on the excited passions of the hour. The Federalists persisted in voting for Burr, the House was equally divided, and thirty-five ballotings took place without a result. For seven days the contest was continued with dogged obstinacy, amid the threats of the Republicans and the indignant murmurs of the people. Burr claimed the credit of taking no part in this intrigue; but Jefferson evidently suspected him of acting indirectly through agents. As it turned out, the only effect of the struggle was to complete the ruin of the Federalist

party. The unseemly strife was at length terminated by Mr. Bayard, Hamilton's correspondent. Finding the case hopeless, he declared his intention of voting for Jefferson; others stayed away, and, on the thirtysixth ballot, the necessary majority was obtained. But this late and forced concession could not repair the mischief already done, and the party, which had been most distinguished for devotion to the Constitution, paid dearly for neglecting the advice of the great constitutional leader.

On the 4th of March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated President of the United States, and Mr. Adams, wrathful and implacable, refused even to be present at the installation of his successor. The last day of his political power," says Jefferson, “the last hour, and even beyond midnight, were employed in filling all offices, and especially permanent ones, with the bitterest Federalists, and providing for me the alternative either to execute the government by my enemies-whose study it would be to thwart and defeat all my measures- -or to incur the odium of such numerous removals from office as might bear me down." It may be added, that Jefferson preferred to encounter the latter danger, and that his example has since been generally followed in America. It

has been one of the great evils of the system, that the accession of every new President has been accompanied by innumerable changes in the inferior posts, and by the disturbance of official relations. from one end of the country to the other.

Wearied and desponding, Hamilton saw the supreme power passing into the hands of his enemies, and the pile he had reared with so much toil shaken to its foundations. The unchecked flood of democracy was breaking in upon all sides, and he felt that henceforth nothing would be able to resist its course. "Mine is an odd destiny," he wrote to Gouverneur Morris. "Perhaps, no man in the United States has sacrificed or done more for the present Constitution than myself; and, contrary to all my anticipations of its fate, as you know from the very beginning, I am still labouring to prop the frail and worthless fabric. Yet I have the murmurs of its friends, no less than the curses of its foes, for my reward. What can I do better than withdraw from the scene! Every day proves to me more and more, that this American world was not made for me."

CHAPTER XVII.

THE DUEL.

N the neighbourhood of New York, but still in

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the midst of rural scenery, and not far from the ancient village of Manhattan, Hamilton had purchased a small estate. The ground was undulating, and adorned with fine old trees, a pleasant lawn spread in front of the house, and the balcony of the drawing-room commanded a magnificent prospect. Harlem River, and Long Island Sound, and many a scene endeared by its own beauty, or made interesting by old recollections, were visible from this lovely spot. Hamilton called it The Grange, after the name of his grandfather's house in Scotland, in the bonny shire of Ayr; and thither he often retired from the labours of his profession, to enjoy the society of his family, and the refreshment of a country life.

He had laid aside the truncheon of command, and