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with the power and authority of all the Mahratta flutes, with the independence and dignity of the Soubah of the Decan, and the mighty strength, the resources, and the manly struggle of Hyder Ali; and then the House will discover the effects, on every power in India, of an easy confidence, or of a rooted distrust in the faith of the Company.

These are some of my reasons, grounded on the abuse of the external political trust of that body, for thinking myself not only justified, but bound to declare against those chartered rights which produce so many wrongs. I should deem myself the wickedest of men, if any vote of mine could contribute to the countenance of so great an evil.

Now, Sir, according to the plan I proposed. I shall take notice of the Company's internal government, as it is exercised, first, on the dependent provinces, and then as it affects those under the direct and immediate authority of that body. And here, Sir, before I enter into the spirit of their interior government, permit me to observe to you, upon a few of the many lines of difference which are to be found between thft vices of the Company's government, and those of the conquerors who preceded us in India; that we may be enabled a little the better to fee our way in an attempt to the necessary reformation.

The several irruptions of Arabs, Tartars, and Persians, into India, were, for the greater part, ferocious, bloody, and wasteful in the extreme. Our entrance into the dominion of that country was, as generally, with small comparative effusion of blood; being introduced by various frauds aud dslusious, and. by taking advantage of the incurable, blind, and senseless animosity, which the several country powers bear towards each other, rather than by open force. But the difference in favour of the first conquerors is this: the Asiatic conquerors very soon abated of their ferocity, because they made the conquered country^fheir own. They rose or fell with the rise or fall of {he territory they lived in. Fathers there deposited the hopes

of of their posterity; and children there beheld the monuments of their fathers. Here their lot was finally cast; and it is the natural wish of all, that their lot mould not be cast in a bad land. Poverty, sterility, and desolation, are not a recreating prospect to the eye of man; and there are very few who can bear to grow old among the curses of a whole people. If their passion or their avarice drove the Tartar Lords to acts of rapacity or tyranny, there was time enough, even in the short life of man, to bring round the ill effects of an abuse of power upon the power itself. If hoards were made by violence and tyranny, they were still domestic hoards; and domestic profusion, or the rapine of a more powerful and prodigal hand, restored them to the people. With many disorders, and with few political checks upon power, nature had still fair play; the sources of acquisition were not dried up; and, therefore, the trade, the manufactures, and the commerce of the country flourished. Even avarice and usury itself operated, both for the preservation and the employment of national wealth. The husbandman and manufacturer paid heavy interest; but then they augmented the fund from whence they were again to borrow. Their resources were dearly bought, but they were sure; and the general stock of the community grew by the general effort.

But under the English government all this order is reversed. The Tartar invasion was mischievous; but it is our protection that destroys India. It was their enmity, but it is our friendship. Our conquest there, after twenty years, is as crude as it was the first day. The. natives scarcely know what it is to fee the gray head of an Englishman. Young men (boys almost) govern there, without society, and without sympathy with the natives. They have no more social habits with the people than if they still resided in England; nor indeed any species of intercourse but that which is necessary to making a sudden fortune, with a view to a remote settlement. Animated with all the avarice of age, and all the impetuosity of - . * youth, youth, they roll in, one aster another, wave after wave; and there is nothing before the eyes of the natives but an endless, hopeless prospect of new flights of birds of prey and passage, with appetites continually renewing for a food that is continually wasting. Every rupee of profit made by an Englishman, is lost for ever to India. With us are no retributory superstition, by which a foundation of charity compensates, through ages, to the poor, for the rapine and injustice of a day. With us no pride erects stately monuments which repair the mischiefs which pride had produced, and which adorn a country out of its own spoils. England has erected no churches, no hospitals, no palaces, no schools; England has built no bridges, made no high roads, cut no navigations, dug out no reservoirs. Every other conqueror of every other description, has left some monument, either of state or beneficence, behind him. Were we to be driven out of India this day, nothing would remain, to tell that it had been possessed, during the inglorious period of our dominion, by any thing better than the ouran-outang, or the tyger.

There is nothing in the boys we fend to India worse than the hoys whom we are whipping at school, or that we see trailing a pike, 01 bending over a desk at home. But as English youth in India drink the intoxicating draught of authority and dominion before their heads are able to bear it, and as they are fully grown in fortune long before they are ripe in principle, neither nature nor reason have any opportunity to exert themselves for remedy of the excesses of their premature power. The consequences of their conduct, which in good minds (and many of theirs are probably such) might produce penitence or amendment, are unable to pursue the rapidity of their flight. Their prey is lodged in England; and the cries of India iCre given to seas and winds, to be blowti about, in every breaking up of the monsoon, over a remote and unhearing ocean. In India all the vices operate, by which sudden fortune is acquired; in England are often displayed, by the same persons, the virtues which dispense hereditary wealth. Arrived in England, the destroyers of the nobility and gentry of the whole kingdom, will find the best company in this nation, at a board of elegance and hospitality. Here the manufacturer and husbandman will bless the just and punctual hand, that in India has torn the cloth from the loom, or wrested the scanty portion of rice and salt from the peasant of Bengal, or wrung from him the very opium in which he forgot his oppression and his oppressor. They marry into your families; they enter into your Senate; they ease your estates by loans; they raise their value by demand; they cherish and protect your relations, which lye heavy on your patronage; and there is scarcely an house in the kingdom that does not feel some concern and interest that makes all reform of our eastern government appear officious and disgusting; and, on the whole, a most discouraging attempt. In such an attempt, you hurt those who are able to return kindness or to resent injury. If you succeed, you save those who cannot so much as give you thanks. All these things shew the difficulty of the work we have on hand; but they shew its necessity too. Our Tndian government is, in its best state, a grievance. It is necessary that the correctives should be uncommonly vigorous; and the work of men sanguine, warm, and even impassioned in the cause. But it is an arduous thing to plead against abuses of a power which originates from your own country, and affects those whom we are used to consider as strangers.

Upon the plan which I laid down, and to which I beg leave to return, I was considering the conduct of the Company to those nations which are indirectly subject to their authority. The most considerable of the dependent Princes is the Nabob of Oud. My right honourable friend (Mr. Fox) to whom we owe the remedial bills on your table, has already pointed out to you, in one of the Reports, the condition of that Prince, and as it stood in the time he alluded to. I sharl only add a few circumstances that may tend to awaken some sense of the manner in which the condition of the people is affected by that of the Prince, and involved in it; and to shew you, that when we talk of the sufferings of Princes, we do not lament the oppression of individuals; and that, in these cases, the high and the low suffer together.

In the year 1779, the Nabob of Oud represented, through the British Resident at his Court, that the number of the Company's troops stationed in his dominions, was a main cause os his distress; and that all those which he was not bound by treaty to maintain mould be withdrawn, as they had greatly diminislied his revenue, and impoverished his country. I will read to you, if you please, a few extracts from these representations.

He states, " that the country and cultivation are abandoned; and this year in particular, from the excessive drought of the season, deductions of many lacks having bee» allowed to the farmers, who are still left unsatisfied;" and then he proceeds with . a long detail of his own distress, and that of his family, and alf his dependents; and adds, "that the new-raised brigade is not only quite useless to my government, but is moreover the cause of much loss, both in revenues and customs. The detached body of troops under European officers, bring nothing but confusion to the affairs of my government, and are entirely their own masters? Mr. Middleton, Mr. Hastings' confidential Resident, vouches for the truth ©f this representation, in its fullest extent. "I am concerned to confess, that there is too good ground for this plea. The misfortune has been general throughout the whole of the Vizier's (the Nabob of Oud) dominions, obvious to every body; and so fatal have been its consequences, that no person, of either credit or character, would enter into engagements with government for farming the country." He then proceeds to give strong instances of the general calamity, and its effects.

It was now to be seen what steps the Governor General and Council took for the relief of this distressed country, long labouring under the vexations of men, and now stricken by

the

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