Dutch would be then at liberty, and would certainly do what was incumbent upon them in fuch a conjuncture; and till that conjuncture happens, we can have no more concern in the war than they nay farther, in the concluding of that treaty of neutrality, fo careful were the Dutch to preferve to themselves a liberty of doing afterwards what they should find proper, that, by an express provifion of the treaty, they have reserved to themselves a power of fending the ftipulated fuccours to the Emperor, in case they should find it neceffary fo to do.

Thus, Sir, it appears that the Dutch are so far from having fallen into measures feparate from us, that they have continued a heavy charge upon themselves, in order to be ready to join with us in any measure that may hereafter appear neceffary for preferving the balance of power in Europe; and for that reason, as well as a great many others, I think it is incumbent upon us to put ourselves in fuch a condition as may enable us to act that part which Great Britain ought to undertake, in the glorious cause of preferving and fecuring the liberty of Europe, Sir Robert Walpole, Feb. 7, 1735.

Prudence and pufillanimity, Sir, are two words, which are eafily understood in private life; but in public and in national affairs, it is not so easy to form proper ideas for those two words, and to determine the exact boundaries between them. If a private man fhould think his honour injured, he may, he ought, to refent it immediately, because, as he has nothing but his own life to lofe, his own opinion is a good and fufficient reafon for putting it to the venture: but in national quarrels the lives of many thousands are concerned; and those who are to deliberate and determine in what manner, or how foon, an injury ought to be refented, are generally thofe whofe lives, in cafe of a rupture, will be the last of being brought into danger, For this reafon they ought not to depend fo much on their own opinion, nor ought they to infist upon such punctilios as may be infifted on in private life. They ought to confider

the

the circumstances of both nations, and they ought to weigh thoroughly the probable consequences; for it may sometimes be the intereft of a nation to pocket an affront, or at least to defer their refentment 'till they find a more proper opportunity for taking vengeance.

Sir Robert Walpole, Jan. 28, 1738.

It is very easy to talk big, either within doors or without; and confidering the fpirit of refentment that has been induftriously stirred up in the nation, I know it would be mighty popular in us to come to vigorous refolutions immediately, but I do not know if it would be mighty wife. I am fure it would not be wife, as long as there are any hopes of obtaining redress by peaceable means; and even when we are come to an end of all our hopes in this way, we ought not to begin to talk till we are ready to act. In this we ought to follow the example of that fort of animal which is peculiar to this island, and therefore I am not ashamed to recommend its exam my countrymen: I mean our brave English bull dog, who alway's feizes upon his enemy at once, and without making the leaft noife before hand. Threatening fpeeches, or even threatening refolutions, are but words. They are vox & præterea nihil; and therefore the less they are made ufe of the better but if any fuch are ever made ufe of, they ought to be inftantly followed with fuitable actions; for if they are not, those who have injured us will defpife our menaces, and the whole world will laugh at our folly.

Horace Walpole, Esq. Jan. 28, 1738.

to

I must fay, that whatever the prefent character of the nation may be, I think we ought to do nothing rafhly, either for preferving or recovering it. A man of real courage and good fenfe is never jealous of his character, and therefore is not fo apt to take things amifs, or fo hasty in resenting affronts, as one who has only a brutish temerity, or a falfe and affected

courage;

courage; besides, whatever may be our case at present, we ought not to show our teeth till we can bite.

No nation in the world, I believe, ever declared war till they were ready to enter upon action; and as we at present have neither a fleet nor an army ready fufficient for attacking such a powerful nation as Spain, I think we ought not as yet to do any thing that may look like a declaration of war, or even like a refolution to declare war.

Sir Charles Wager, Jan. 28, 1738.

In public life, as well as in private, there are fome affronts that cannot by the custom of nations admit of a peaceful accommodation, or of any negociation for that purpose. If a gentleman fhould be caned in the open street, and should, inftead of making a proper return, fend a clergyman next morning to the aggreffor, to beg that the affair might be made up in an micable way, the oppreffor might, perhaps, look upon his patič as a good Chriftian, but I am fure he would not look upon him as a gentleman, or a man of courage; and therefore he would probably offer no other fatisfaction, but fuch a one as no man of honour could accept of, or, perhaps, and most probably too, he would bully and fay, the fellow deserved what he met with. A man of true honour, upon meeting with such an affront, would immediately take his own fatisfaction, and that, too, with the very firft opportunity.

In public life and in national affairs the cafe is the fame. There are some affronts that may be put by one nation upon another, which ought to be immediately refented in a hoftile manner. All attacks or infults ought to be refented in such a manner, when it appears evident that it was done by public authority. When an infult is committed by the subjects of any nation, without an apparent commiffion, or other authority under Government, the injured nation may send Ambasfadors to demand fatisfaction; and ought not to resent the injury in a hoftile manner till the other nation has made the act

its own, or has taken the guilt upon itself, by denying or un reasonably delaying to punish or give up the offenders. But when the infult or attack appears, from the very nature of it, to have been committed by public authority, fatisfaction ought not to be fued for by Ambassadors; it ought to be immediately taken by fleets and armies, properly inftructed for that purpose.

Sir W. Wyndham, March 30, 1738.

My Lords, as the motion the noble Lord has been pleased to make is pretty long, I cannot pretend to remember exactly the words; and as, upon hearing it read, I obferved fome words which to me seemed not quite fo right, I must desire the favour to have the motion in my hand. [The motion being delivered to him, after perufing it, he went on thus:] My Lords as this is one of the greateft, one of the most important con junctures that ever happened to this nation, I defire and wish as heartily as the noble Lord who made you this motion, or any Lord can do, that we may be unanimous in the refolution we come to upon this occafion. The greatest part of the noble Lord's motion I highly approve of. There are only a few words towards the latter end which I think ought to have been left out; and as they are, in my opinion, quite unneces fary, I hope the noble Lord will, for the fake of that unanimity he fo much defires, agree to leave then out of his motion. The words I mean are, "that it gives us inexpreffible concern," with the following, which make the laft paragraph but ore of the noble Lord's motion. These words, I humbly think, my Lords, are quite unneceffary; and, as they may give offence to fome Lords, and may occasion an oppofition to a refolution, which would otherwise be unanimously agreed to, I hope the noble Lord will not infift upon their standing a part of his motion. But I offer this as my opinion only. I do not make it my motion, because I am refolved to wait till I hear what may be faid by other Lords upon this head.

My

My Lords, we have now weathered the point of negociation, and are fairly launched out in the open fea of a declared war: God grant we may meet with a profperous gale! We have human probability on our fide, and as we have justice likewise on our fide, we have reafon to expect the favour of Providence; therefore I have no doubt of a fuccessful voyage, if we take care to put ourselves under the direction of good pilots. Ministers and negociators will not, I hope, I am fure they ought not, now be our advisers. We have good Generals; we have brave and experienced Admirals: we must now chufe them for our pilots; we must take their advice; and, if their advice be taken, and vigorously pursued, I shall not hereafter find fault with events, on account of any cross accidents we may meet with in the prosecution of the war. Providence can only direct events: but men can plan; and if the plan be good, if the scheme be well laid, no man ought to find fault with the event. But, if the forming of our schemes for the profecution of the war be left to ignorant and pufillanimous counsellors, we cannot expect they should be right; and a wrong scheme may be found fault with, even though the event should, by an extraordinary interpofition of Provi dence, prove fuccessful.

In the prosecution of the present war, I hope every ap will, in his proper fphere, contribute as much as he can towards the success of his country. My Lords, I am perfuaded every man will; becaufe no war was ever entered into with greater unanimity amongst all ranks and degrees of men. We cannot, therefore, justly say any thing, upon this occafion, of animofities and divifions. If there were ever any animofities or divifions amongst us, they were occafioned by our tamely fubmitting to fo many foreign infults. Thefe His Majefty's declaration of war has put an end to, and nothing can revive them but a flackness in the profecution. For this reason I wish they had not been mentioned upon this occafion. I am afraid it is ominous. It looks as if fome people were fufpicious