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At the same time, I affert the authority of this kingdom over the Colonies, to be fovereign and fupreme, in every circumftance of government and legislation whatsoever. They are the fubjects of this kingdom, equally entitled with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind and the peculiar privileges of Englishmen. Equally bound by its laws, and equally participating of the Conftitution of this free country. The Americans are the fons, not the bastards, of England. Taxation is no part of the governing or legiflative power.-The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In legislation the three estates of the realm are alike concerned, but the concurrence of the Peers and the Crown to a tax, is only neceffary to close with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the Commons. alone. In antient days, the Crown, the Barons, and the

Clergy poffeffed the lands. In those days, the Barons and the Clergy gave and granted to the Crown. They gave and granted what was their own. At prefent, fince the discovery of America, and other circumstances permitting, the Commons are become the proprietors of the lands. The Crown has divefted itself of its great eftates. The church (God blefs it) has but a pittance. The property of the Lords, compared with that of the Commons, is as a drop of water in the ocean: and this House represents these commons, the proprietors of the lands; and those proprietors virtually reprefent the rest of the inhabitants. When, therefore, in this Houfe we give and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American tax, what do we do? We, Your Majefty's Commons of Great-Britain, give and grant to Your Majefty what? Our own property? No. We give and grant to Your Majefty, the property of Your Majesty's Commons of America.It is an abfurdity in

terms.

The diftinction between legislation and taxation is effentially neceffary to liberty. The Crown, the Peers, are

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equally legiflative powers with the Commons. If taxation be a part of fimple legislation, the Crown, the Peers, have rights in taxation as well as yourselves: rights which they will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be fupported by power.

There is an idea in some, that the Colonies are virtually represented in this Houfe. I would fain know by whom ari American is reprefented here? Is he reprefented by any Knight of the Shire, in any county of this kingdom? (Would to God that respectable representation was augmented to a greater number!) or will you tell him that he is reprefent ed by any representative of a borough---a borough, which perhaps no man ever faw. This is what is called the rotten part of the Conftitution. It cannot continue the century. If it does not drop, it must be amputated. The idea of a virtual representation of America in this Houfe, is the most contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of a man -It does not deferve a ferious refutation.

The Commons of America, reprefented in their feveral affemblies, have ever been in poffeffion of the exercise of this, their continual right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it. At the fame time, this kingdom, as the fupreme governing and legislative power, has always bound the Colonies by her Laws, by her regulations, and restrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures.-In every thing except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their confent,

Mr. Pitt, Jan. 14, 1766.

I am very glad to hear it generally admitted, that when gentlemen think fit to move the repeal of an exifting tax, they ought to propofe fome tax in lieu of it, that in their opinion at leaft, is likely to prove equally productive. This is certainly right, because when the Houfe is called

upon

upon, as it is by the motion under confideration, it is called upon to do as strong an act as the House can poffibly perform, viz. to change the fecurity given to the public creditor, and to take away the mortgage held in payment of the intereft of his money. The Receipt tax, is a tax that has paffed almoft unanimously; at leaft it has been approved of by the majority of this House, and declared to be a light, impartial, and wife tax. Such, I am in my own mind perfuaded, it would have proved, had the tax had fair play. It has not, however, been yet truly tried. No fooner was this tax, fo much liked within doors, heard of, but the utmost pains were taken to raise a clamour against it without. Committees and affociations were formed for that purpose exprefly. All the art and ingenuity of man were employed in finding out means of evading it. Remonftrances againft it have been fabricated, and carried from houfe to house to procure fignatures. Those who never had heard of the tax, were called upon to lend their names to the lift; nay, one man, who could not write himself, had been invited to make his mark, in order to overthrow a tax, which he was told materially concerned him, as it was a check to the currency of written evidence. As foon as any probable means of evading it were hit on, they were industriously circulated throughout the kingdom, and Government having, out of lenity, forborne to profecute for the penalties incurred by those who flew in the face of the act, a cafe was made out of the whole against the tax itself, and, when Parliament met, it was applied to, in order to repeal the tax. I trust that the good fense of the Houfe will interpofe, and prevent the repeal of a tax so treated. With regard to the taxes fuggested by the honourable gentleman who spoke laft, they appear to me to be full as liable to objection as the Receipt tax; indeed, infinitely more fo, because there are not any fixed criterion to judge of them by. For inftance, fuppofe a tax was laid on dogs in that cafe the keeper of a pack might immediately

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ately fell his pack, and buy a hunter with the money, and follow the pack of fome other neighbour. In like manner, if a perfon kept dogs to guard his houfe, on a tax being laid, he might difpofe of his dogs, and refort to fome other means of fecurity. So likewife with regard to pews, in order to evade the payment of a tax upon them, perfans might no longer chufe to hold them. The tax on graveftones indeed is not eafily evaded, and cannot be deemed oppreffive, as it would only once be paid; but such is the spirit of clamour against any tax on receipts, that I should not wonder if it extended to them, and that it should be afferted, that perfons having paid the last debt, the debt of nature, Government had refolved they fhould pay a Receipt tax, and have it stamped over their grave. Nay, with so extraordinary a degree of inveteracy have fome Committees in the city and elsewhere been actuated, that if a Receipt tax of the nature in question was enacted, I should not be greatly furprised if it were foon after published, that fuch Committees had unanimously refolved that they would never be buried, in order to avoid paying the tax, but had determined to lie above ground, or to have their afhes configned to family urns, in the manner of the ancients.

Mr. Sheridan, Dec. 4, 1783,

TUMULTS AND RIOT S.

HIS Majefty in his fpeech delivered to us, by his Com

miffioners, moft juftly took notice of the many tumults and riots, that have lately happened in this kingdom; and as His Majefty moft wifely thought it an affair of fuch confequence as to deserve being mentioned by him to his Parlia

ment,

ment, I expected that this Houfe would have immediately refolved upon taking that part of His Majefty's fpeech into confideration; but as a motion for that purpose would have come more properly from fome other Lord, I delayed for fome days taking notice of it, or making any motion for our taking that affair into our confideration. This, my Lords, was my reafon for allowing fome of the first days of the feffion to pass oyer, without taking the leaft notice of what His Majefty had fo wifely and fo neceffarily mentioned in his speech; but finding no ftep made towards it by any other noble Lord, as I thought it an affair which ought not to be delayed, I took the liberty to move your Lordships for the committee you are now in; and as I moved for your going into this committee, I think it incumbent upon me now to explain what I meant, or intended.

Though none of the riots or tumults that have lately happened in this kingdom, seem to have been directly aimed at the government, yet, my Lords, it must be granted, that no fuch thing can happen in any country in which the government is not fome way concerned; for as the peace and quiet of the people are disturbed by fuch tumultuous meetings, and as it is the business of every government to preserve the peace and quiet of the people, therefore wherever any thing like it happens, the government ought to look upon itfelf as deeply concerned; and if we confider what mighty confequences have arifen from very fmall beginnings, if we confider how often governments have been overturned by tumults which at first seemed quite infignificant, which appeared no way intended for any fuch end, we must conclude, that not only our government, but our prefent establishment, and even our happy Conftitution, are concerned in the riots which have lately happened in feveral parts of the kingdom; for this reason, it is the duty of this House, as being the King's chief council, not to let fuch riots and tumults pafs over unobferved, but to inquire narrowly into

them,

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