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hand; they cut that off also, and then asked him if he would go on with the attempt. The Lacedemonion said, “not in the same way;" and he instantly seized it with his teeth. This is exactly the case with His Majesty's Government; they have lost both their hands in their attempts upon America, and they are yet determined, like the Lacedemonian, to go on, and fasten upon it with their teeth. But they should remember, that when the Lacedemonian did this, they ftruck off his head.
· Sir George Savile, Dec. 14, 1787
• No one laments Mr. Fox's illness more than I do; and I declare, if he should continue ill, the inquiry into the condu& of the first Lord of the Admiralty should not be proceeded rapon; and even frould the country suffer so serious a calamity as his death, it ought to be followed up earnestly and solemnly; nay, of so much consequence is the inquiry to the ju public, that no bad use would be made of the skin of his departed friend, should such be his fate, if like that of John Zisca it should be converted into a drum, and used for the purpose of sounding an alarm to the People of England. :
Mr. Burke, Jan. 28, 1982.
Though I have not the honour of being one of those fagacious country gentlemen, who have so long vociferated for the American war, who have so long run on the red-herring scent of American taxation, before they found out there was no. game on foot; they who, like their prototype, Don Quixote, have mistaken the barber's bason for a golden helinet; I now congratulate them on having at last recovered their fenses, and found out their error. I wish to see a constitu- . tional Administration, founded on the basis of public virtue and public economy, “ When this corruption shall put on incorruption, and this mortality, shall put on immortality." Though the other side have not listened to me with their
usual indulgence and attention, their exultation, triumph, and .. interruption, I freely pardon on this occafion:
When in their hands all power they found,
· I own myself a firm friend to the motion for a Parliamenrary Reform, and am of opinion, that this House might as well call itself the representative of France as of the People of England. I had a large tree growing some time since on my estate, which bore many green leaves on the trunk of it, and seemed to be in a flourishing state; but on looking at the tree, there appeared a hole or two, which I looked farther into, and on a close inspection found the tree was rotten within; the infide was mere touchwood. I had the rotten part cut out, and now the tree forms a commodious place, fit for a dozen persons to dine in. The present Constitution I compare to this tree; it appears sound, but on an inspection I fear it will be found like the tree, rotten at the heart.
Sir George Savile, May 7, 1782.
An honourable member the other day took upon him the office of Mr. Fox's panegyrist: he extolled him to the skies, and described him as compressing the whole globe with his comprehensive eye. I do not doubt of the truth of all that; I only wish that I could turn his eye to the east, to undeceive him in some instances that seem to refute the affertions of his panegyrist. The right honourable Secretary promised a system that was to establish perpetually, if the nation chose it, the liberty of India, and to enrich and aggrandize the subjects of
Britain; I wish I could see it. There was a time, when, if such a proposition had been made, the right honourable gentleman would have been upon a stage in the Atreets the next. The scheme is the most futile and frivolous that ever wore the name of a well-digested system. What is it but saying, “ Leave the whole to me and my seven affiftants, and I'll answer for all's doing well.” I regard Lord North as a King, and the right honourable gentleman as an Emperor, the Emperor of the East! The seven Commissioners also may be considered as seven Emperors, seven holy Roman Emperors, tributary and subordinate to the Emperor of the East.
Mr. Arden, Dec. 9, 1783.
There is an incident of nature and circumstance which establishes a very effential difference between the East-India
Company and every other chartered society. That circum* Itance is their territorial property, and their imperial power.
But still I contend that no necessity has been Thewn for violating the charter of the Company in the present situation
of affairs. The Company are not bankrupt. The measures s proposed are no other than a disfranchisement of the Company,
and a confiscation of their goods in the hands of seven Com?' millioners. I ought to make an apology for alluding to any
thing recorded in facred writ, but cannot but read some verses in different chapters of the book of Revelation, which seem to express the intended innovation in the affairs of the English East-India Company : “ And I stood upon the land of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his horns ten crowns. And they worshipped the Dragon, which gave power unto the beast; and they worshipped the beast, saying, who is like unto the beast? Who is able to make war with him? And there was given
unto him a mouth speaking great things; and power was s given unto him to continue forty and two months.-[Here I Ś believe there is a mistake of fix months.)–And he causeth all,
both small and great, rich and poor, to receive a mark in theft right hand, or in their forehead.-[Here places, pensions, and peerages, are clearly marked out.)And he cried mightily with a strong voice, saying, Babylon the Great (plainly the East-India Company) is fallen, is fallen, and is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul spirit, and the cage of every unclean bird. And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn over her, for no man buyeth her merchandise any more; the mercandise of gold and silver, and precious stones, and of pearls, and fine linen, and purple, and filk, and scarlet, and all manner of vessels of ivory, of most precious wood, and cinnamon, and odours, and ointments, and frankincense, and oil, and fine flour, and wheat, and beasts, and Theep, and horses, and chariots, and flaves, and fouls of men. And the fruits that thy soul lufted after are departed from thee, * and all things which were dainty and goodly are departed from
thee, and thou shalt find them no more at all. The merchants of these things, which were made rich by her, shall stand afar off for the fear of her torment, weeping and wailing, and faying, Alas! alas! that great city, that was clothed in fine linen, in purple and scarlet, and decked with gold and precious stones, and pearls! for in one hour so great riches is come to nought. And every ship-master, and all the Company in ships, and sailors, and as inany as trade by fea, ftood afar off, and cried, when they saw the smoak of her barning, saying, What city is like unto this great city? And they cast dust on their heads, and cried, weeping and wailing, saying, Alas! alas! that great city, wherein were made rich all that had ships in the sea, by reason of her coftliness! for in one hour fhe was made desolate."
Mr. Scott, Dec. 1, 1783.
I cannot but admire the noble Lord's (Mahon) impartiality in now calling to order, and asking if there is any question before the House, when he has listened patiently to four or five
speeches without any question being before the House. He will not, however, hear one from me, but has verified the old proverb, “ That the last feather always breaks the horse's back.” Tke noble Lord, like a stately camel, in like manner, has borne very heavy burdens, but cannot now bear the weight of iny bunch on his back.
Mr. Burke, June 3, 1784.
Whose fault is it that the election for Westminster is not ended? The fault of the High Bailiff, and of no other person. With regard to the two modes of proceeding recommended to the House, it puts the House exactly in the fame situation as Fair Rofamond was in the play, when, by order of Queen Eleanor, it was said to her, “ Here is a dagger, and here is a bowl of poison; chuse which you please, but one you must take."
Lord North, June 8, 1784.
Before the House resolves itself into a Committee of Supply, I wish to say a few words on the East-India Reports, which I imagine have been treated in a contemptuous manner by many members of the new Parliament. I am astonished that fome gentlemen should have the presumption to call those Reports, which have been carefully collected by people of experience and ability, a collection of fables, or vague reports, deftitute of any foundation whatever. There is one right honourable gentleman in my eye, fMr. Dundas), who will certainly never give his consent in an open manner to such calumny. I am, however, informed, that gentlemen have passed over in silence the aspersions which have been thrown on the laborious works of the Committees who have fat on the India business. I am surprised that the right honourable gentleman Thould now shew such a pacific disposition, when formerly he appeared to be a strenuous advocate for justice, and had many engagements in the House on the subject; in all of which he