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If you empower the Commissioners in America to propose peace on equitable terms, offer to restore their charters, and relinquish the unsustainable claim of taxation with a good grace; even now while your armies figure in the field, under hitherto triumphant Generals; and I make no doubt but by so laudable a step you will obtain from your colonies, through the Howes, as fair and magnanimous an answer as that which was sent from the Falerii to the Roman Senate by the great Camillus: "The Romans in having preferred justice to conquest, have taught us to be satisfied with submission instead of liberty."
Honourable Temple Luttrell, Oft. 31, 1776.
As a country gentleman, I must call on my brethren of that denomination to interpose and serve their country; their passive acquiescence to every new burden made Sir Robert Walpole say, "that the landed gentlemen were like the flocks upon their plains; they suffered themselves to be shorn without resistance, while the trading part of the nation resembled the hog, who would not let a bristle be plucked from his back without making the whole parish echo with his complaints." What with specious pretences and fair words to the one,, and treasury acorns to the other, with which they were fed, the Minister has effectually silenced the bog, and imposed upon the honest simplicity and patience of thejhccp.
Sir Charles Bunbury, Dec. 4, 1777.
I think, Sir, the Americans are fighting in a good cause for the defence os their just privileges, and chartered as well as innate rights. I am sure the proudest and most despotic Court in Europe, that of Vienna, would not have treated their subjects in the manner this Court has treated the Americans as rebels. When the present Empress Queen, then only Queen of Hungary, succeeded her father, the Emperor Charles the Sixth* in 1740, she secured the affections of her Hungarian subjects,
by l>y readily taking the old bath of the Sovereigns of that country, established in 1222, "If I, (fays she), or any of my successors, at any time, should attempt to infringe your privileges, you and your posterity are permitted, by virtue of this promise, to defend yourselves, without being liable to be treated as rebels."
Mr. sVilkcs, Dec. IO, 1777.
Tn considering the situation of the noble Lord, (Lord North) his security in office is certainly owing to the bad opinion the public entertain of those who wish to get into his place. The speech of Charles the Second to his brother Jamer, Duke of York, is perfectly applicable to him. When the Duke of York told the King, " he wondered the Prince, who had rendered himself so unpopular, would venture abroad without his body guard." The King replied, "Have no fears for my safety, brother; I am perfectly secure in my person, as long as my people know, that if I die, or am cut off, you rrrust be my successor." (
Mr. Cotirtcnay, Nov. .13, 1780.
S A T I R E,
I FIND that those gentlemen, who call themselves patriots, have laid this down as a fixed principle, that they must always oppose those measures which are resolved on by the King"s Ministers, and consequently must always endeavour to shew that these measures are wrong; and this I take to be the only reason
why why they have been as yet so silent as to a certain subject, in which the interest of their country is so very much concerned. Their language at present is, "Do not let us declare our opinion } let us wait till we know what part the Ministry takes, and then let us endeavour to shew, that they ought to have acted quite otherwise." They treat the Ministry in the same way as I am treated by some gentlemen of my acquaintance, with respect to my dress; if I am in plain clothes, then they fay, lama slovenly, dirty fellow; and if by chance I have a suit of clothes with some lace on them, they cry, What! shall such an aukward fellow wear fine clothes? So that no dress I can appear-in can possibly please them. But to conclude, Sir, the case of the nation under the present Administration has been the fame with what it always has been, and always must be; for to use a simile, as longas the wind was fair and proper for carrying us to our designed port, the word was steady, steady; but when the wind began to shift and change, the word come then necessarily to be thus, thus, and no near.
Mr. Horatio fFalpole, Jan. 23, 1734.
I think it strange that this mighty secret of our fears about the Pretender has never been discovered during the whole course of this debate, till the honourable gentleman who spoke last but one disclosed it; I am glad, however, that it is at length discovered; for now gentlemen may have a very clear state of the case; which is, whether we ought to put the nation to the expenceof maintaining 18,000 men, for no other reason, but because a certain gentleman is afraid of the Pretender? This is, I think, a clear and a true state of the cafe. As for the honourable gentleman's fears, they put. me in mind of a mad fellow, called Butler, who used to go about, and at times .would appear very much frightened at a certain phantom of his own brain, whom he called Prince Kantemir. This phantom haunted him about from place to place, and nothing could drive it out of his head. Really, Sir, I don't know what friends the
Pretender Pretender may make in this kingdom, if we shall continue our army; but if we reduce that, I dare fay his interest would exist no where but among a few madmen.
Sir William Wyndham, Feb. 3, 1738.
We have had a gieat deal of debate this night about the Constitution and Government of this and other nations; and there is no question, Sir, but, there are many different ones in the world. But I believe the People of Great Britain are governed by a power that never was heard of as a supreme authority in any age or country before. This power, Sir, does not consist in the absolute will of the Prince, in the direction of Parliament, in the strength of an army, in the influence of the clergy; neither, Sir, is it a petticoat government; but, Sir, it is the government of the press. The stuff which our weekly newspapers are filled with is received with greater reverence than acts of Parliament; and the sentiments of one of these scribblers have more weight with the multitude than the opinion of the best politician in the kingdom.
Joseph Danvers, Esq. Feb. 3, 1738.
As an honourable gentleman at the lower end of the House threw out a proposal to send us all to school again for the reforming our manners, Sir, I think our care should be to prevent members of Parliament from being at school when they are here, from being under the lash of an insolent Minister, as, if we may credit history, has happened in some former Parliaments. Sir, I do not mean the Parliaments in Queen Elizabeth's reign, however servile they are represented to have been by an honourable memher over the way. I am afraid the practice of Ministers naming members to boroughs at their own will and pleasure, which he told us was used by the Earl of Leicester, has not been dropped since that time; and I wish our posterity may never see days less advantageous to liberty. Elizabeth loved her People, desired their honour, regarded their interest; she heard their complaints against the greatest, the-most favoured of her Ministers; and yet I will own, Sir, there were many wrong things dons in her reign, because' sufficient restraints were not then laid upon the power of the Crown; and therefore the example of her reign holds out a useful lesson to us, that even to the best of Princes we should not allow such a dangerous influence as may tempt them, by the advice of bad Ministers, to encroach on our freedom.
George Lyttcken, Esj. May 27, 1739.
As the only method, Sir, of reducing this nation must be that of invading its colonies and dismembering its provinces, by which the chief persons will be deprived of their revenues, and a general discontent be spread over the People, the forces which will be levied for this expedition, (an expedition on which the honour cf our arms and the prosperity of our trade must so necessarily depend), ought to be selected with the greatest care, and disciplined w ith the exactest regularity.
On this occasion, therefore, it is surely improper to employ troops newly collected from sheps and villages, and yet more irrational to trust them to the direction of boys called on this occasion from the frolicks of a school, or forced from the bosoms of their mother, and the softness of the nursery. It is not without compassion, compassion very far extended, that I consider the unhappy striplings doomed to a camp, from whom the fun has hitherto been screened, and the wind excluded; who have been taught by many tender lectures the unwholefomeness of the evening mist and the morning dews, who have been wrapt in furs in Summer, who have lived without any fatigue but that of dress, or any care but that of their complection.
Who can forbear, Sir, some degree of sympathy, when he sees animals like these taking their last farewel of the maid that has fed them with sweetmeats, and defended them from insects; when he fees them drest up in the habiliments of soldiers, loaded vvjth a sword, and invested with a command, not to mount the