belong to a new fyftem. Much of patriotifm, and its moft effential force, is founded on habitual regard, and local and long prepoffeffions; these are what give a force of character, even to those who live in, and are prejudiced to countries, whether under the physical disadvantages, as the Laplander, or under political, as France, when compared with our clime and conftitution. I cannot confider the business to be brought forward as a ministerial measure: I have supported and shall continue to fupport the present Administration, from a just sense of the abilities, and a full confidence in the integrity of the Minister; an integrity, which, even in the speech which I reprobated, gives a more beauteous glow and colour to the very luminous display with which the right honourable gentleman has ornamented his subject: but if on such a question, so touching the dearest and most important interest of every Englishman, I could furrender my conviction even to the tendered influence of the right honourable gentleman's dearest partiality, or most honourable friendship, I should esteem myself not only unworthy to fit in this House, but even in the company of any honourable and good man whatever.

Mr. Young, April 18, 1785.

REMARKABLE SAYINGS.

IT was, my Lords, a wife and glorious saying of our great

Queen Elizabeth, when the Spanish Ambaffador asked her where her guards were,-that great Princess pointed to the people in the fireets" Thefe (fays fhe) are my guards; my people are my friends." She, my Lords, put her whole truft and confidence

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dence in her people; fhe always continued to do so, and there fore the people always continued her friends, and fupported her against as powerful enemies, both at home and abroad, as ever any King or Queen of England had before or fince that time. Earl of Abingdon, Feb. 24, 1732.

I remember, my Lords, a very good faying of a noble Lord, who once fat in this Houfe; it was the late Lord Peterborough: When he was afked by a friend one day his opinion of a certain meafure, fays, my Lord, in fomné furprife, "This is the firft time I ever heard of it." (6 Impoffible, (fays the other); why you are a Privy Counfellor." "So I am, (replies his Lordfhip), and there is a Cabinet Counsellor coming up to us just now; if you afk the fame queftion of him, he will, perhaps, hold his peace, and then you will think he is in the fecret; but if he opens once his mouth about it, you will find he knows as little about it as I do." My Lords, it is not being in Privy Council, or in Cabinet Council, one must be in the Minifter's Council to know any fecrets of the Government. Duke of Argyll, Feb. 5, 1739.

I fhall never be against making the firongeft profeffions of, duty and zeal to His Majefty; but let us do it with dignity: zeal may fometimes carry men too great a length. I remember a gentleman once faid, in the other Houfe," he would facrifice his life and fortune, and more, if it was necessary, to the fervice of his Sovereign." To affure His Majefty that we will. ftand by him with our lives and fortunes, in the profecution of a juft and neceffary war, is as much as we can fay, and that I am willing and ready to fubfcribe to.

Earl of Cheflerfield, Nov. 18, 1740.

Let us recollect what Lewis the Fourteenth faid towards the clofe of the war in Queen Anne's reign. When he was told that his people were grown idle, and ftarving for want of

bread,

bread, he asked, "Are my magazines full? Are my troops fufficiently provided?" And being told they were, “Then," fays he, "my regiments will be easily recruited; for the people will lift, because they can get bread no where else."

Sir Peter Warren, Feb. 19, 1750.

It was a noble fentiment of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray, that “he loved his friends equal to himself; his country far better than his mind and himfelf; mankind in general beyond all put together."

Honourable Temple Luttrell, Feb. 13, 1775.

What Fenelon, the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray, makes Mentor fay, on revealing a celestial form to the son of Ulyffes, who had juft attained to years of manhood, may af ford an allegory to affift the British Legislature at fome future period, in the safest and fureft conduct towards her colonies. "I have guided you through rocks and quickfands, through "the enfanguined battle, and the various calamities incident to "the human fpecies; I have taught you, through forcible ex"perience, the good and the bad maxims by which Government may be carried on: 'tis now time that you be fully emancipated. Love your fellow creatures; endeavour to "renew the golden age; avoid effeminacy, profufenefs, and ❝oftentation; let fimplicity be your beft ornaments; on your "virtue and your own just actions reft your chief fecurity; pure liberty, peace, delightful abundance, and unfullied glory, ever attend you."

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Honourable Temple Luttrell, Feb. 13, 1775.

With regard to the high-founding, unintelligible phrafes of legiflative fupremacy and parliamentary omnipotence towards the Americans, for my part, it only conveys to my mind such an idea and equal fatisfaction as the answer given by the fine gentleman in the play, who, being charged with bafenefs by

his friend, who told him, he had eat his meat, drank his wine, and lain with his wife, made no other reply, at end of every fentence, but, "Sir, I wear a fword."

Lord Camden, Feb. 7, 1775.

The conduct of the prefent Crown lawyers put me in mind of a remarkable faying of Lewis the Twelfth of France, that lawyers do with their law as the fhoemakers do with their leather; they pinch it, twift it, beat it, and ftretch it, till it fuits whatever measure they aim at. This is, however, a meafure none of the very ingenious gentlemen of the long robe can bring the most pliant leather of the law exactly to fit. Even Mr. Attorney General, who muft, in justice, be allowed the very Crispin of his trade, has found it a job ultra crepidam.

Honourable Temple Luttrell, May 23, 1776.

I maintain, Sir, that every military commiffion to ferve in the British army, whether in foreign or domeftic employ, is from their country, though the nomination depends immediately on the Sovereign, as the executive hand of the State: and when a King of Great Britain beftows any commiffion whatever, and on whomsoever it may be, from a field marshal to an enfign, it is virtually with the fame implied terms which were fo nobly expreffed by one of the most enterprising as well as one of the most humane and wifeft of the Roman Emperors; "Take this fword," faid Trajan, when he prefented it as the badge of office to Saburanus, whom he had appointed Prefect of the Pretorian guards: "Remember, it is your duty to use it for my defence while I govern well; if I govern ill, your duty to your country, beyond your duty to me, will oblige you, as a good citizen and an honest man, to use it for my deftruction."

Honourable Temple Luttrell, May 23, 1776.

The

The Greeks and Romans had fome wars of the kind that is now carrying on against America by this country. They never gave then the name of rebellions, nor acted against them as alien enemies. The latter, in one of a fimilar nature, called it the focial war. I call this a conftitutional war. I say this war is fraught with innumerable mifchiefs. Instead of exacting obedience, it declares nothing but a wish for separation; it meditates open destruction, not coercion. It goes not to the punishment of rebels, and the protection of the innocent. It is made contrary to every rule observed in connections of this kind. Inftead of being directed against individuals, who are the fuppofed authors of this rebellion, it is carried on as if against fome foreign enemy; war is made on the community at large. In fine, the principle of this bill (the American Prohibitory Act) is to punish the innocent, as well as the guilty: but if the principles of the bill be bad, the provifions of it are ftill worse. To carry it into execution, what are you to do? The framers of this bill, in order to ftifle and hide the fixed averfion of the people for the fervice, have provided that the plunder fhall be fhared among the captors, by way of encouragement. What is this but facrificing the merchant to the feaman? Again, the glaring cruelty and injuftice of fuch a procedure have induced the friends of the bill to admit fome clauses, in order to foften the unexampled rigour of the hardfhips complained of. Thus the seaman in turn is facrificed to the merchant. In fuch a state of uncertainty, what are we to conclude from this heterogeneous mixture of indulgence and feverity, by which the merchant is neither füre of his property, nor the feaman of the produce of the capture, when all will be law, litigation, and confufion? It directly calls to my memory the remarkable faying relative to Sir Charles Wager, who, after taking a very valuable prize, and having her condemned, when the balance came to be ftruck, he found himself a confiderable lofer.

Earl of Shelburne, Dec. 20, 1775.