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belong to a new system. Much of patriotisin, and its most; essential force, is founded on habitual regard, and local and long prepossessions; these are what give a force of character, even to those who live in, and are prejudiced to countries, whether under the physical disadvantages, as the Laplander, or under political, as France, when compared with our clime and constitution. I cannot consider the business to be brought Forward as a ministerial measure: I have supported and shall continue to support the present Administration, from a just sense of the abilities, and a full confidence in the integrity of the Minister; an integrity, which, even in the speech which I reprobated, gives a more beauteous glow and colour to the very luminous display with which the right honourable gentleman has ornamented his subject: but if on such a question, so touching the dearest and most important interest of every Englishman, I could surrender my conviction even to the tendered influence of the right honourable gentleman's dearest partiality, or most honourable friendship, I should esteem myself not only unworthy to sit in this House, but even in the company of any honourable and good man whatever.

Mr. Young, April 18, 1785.


It was, my Lords, a wise and glorious saying of our great Queen Elizabeth, when the Spanish Ambassador asked her where her guards were,—that great Princess pointed t& the people in the slreets—" These (fays she) are my guards; my people are my friends." She, my Lords, put hex whole trust and confix

S 2 dence dence in her people; she always continued to do so. and there-* fore the people always continued her friends, and supported her against as powerful enemies, hoth at home and abroad, as ever any King or Queen of England had before or since that time.

Earl cf Abingdm, Feb. 24, 1732.

I remember, my Lords, a very good saying of a noble Lord, who once sat in this House; it was the late Lord Peterborough; When he was asked by a friend one day his opinion of a certain measure, says, my Lord, in some surprise, "This is the first time 1 ever heard of it." "Impossible, (fays the other); why you are a Privy Counsellor." "So I am, (replies his Lordship), and there is a Cabinet Counsellor coming up to us just now; if you ask the same question of him, he will, perhaps, hold his peace, and then you will think he is in the secret; but if he opens once his mouth about it, you will find he' knows as little about it as I do." My Lords, it is not being in Privy Council, or in Cabinet Council, one must be in the Minister's Council to know any secrets of the Government.

Duke of Argyll, Fck 5, 1739.

I shall never be against making the strongest professions of , duty and zeal to His Majesty; but let us do it with dignity, zeal may sometimes carry men too great a length. I remember a gentleman once said, in the other House,.." he would sacrifice his life and fortune, rnd more, if it was necessary, to. the service of his Sovereign." To assure His Majesty that we willstand by him with our lives and fortunes, in the prosecution of a just and necessary war, is as much as we can say; and that I am willing and readv to subscribe to.

Earl of. Chesterfield, Nov. 18, 1740.

Let us recollect what Lewis the Fourteenth said towards the clc|se of the war in Queen Anne's reign. When he was told that his people were grown idle, and starving for want of


tread, he asked, "Are my magazines full? Are my troops sufficiently provided?" And being told they were, "Then," says he, "my regiments will be easily recruited; for the people will list, because they can get bread no where else."

Sir Peter Warren, Feb. 19, 1750.

It was a noble sentiment of Fenelon, Archbishop of Cambray, that "he loved his friends equal to himself; his country far better than his mind and himself; mankind in general beyond all put together."

Honourable Temple Lutlrcll, Feb. 13, 1775.

What Fenelon, the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray, makes Mentor fay, on revealing a celestial form to the son of Ulysses, who had just attained to years of manhood, may afford an allegory to assist the British Legislature at some future period, in the safest and surest conduct towards her colonies. "I have guided you through rocks and quicksands, through "the ensanguined battle, and the various calamities incident to t' the human species; I have taught you, through forcible ex"perience, the good and the bad maxims by which Govern

ment may be carried on: 'tis now time that you be fully "emancipated. Love your fellow creatures; endeavour to "renew the golden age; avoid effeminacy, profufeness, and "ostentation; let simplicity be your best ornaments; on your "virtue and your own just actions rest your chief securitv; "pure liberty, peace, delightful abundance, and unsullied *' glory, ever attend you."

Fhnourable Temple Luttrell, Feb. 13, 1775.

With regard to the high-sounding, unintelligible phrases of legislative supremacy and parliamentary omnipotence towards the Americans, for my part, it only conveys to my mind such an idea and equal satisfaction as the answer <riven bv the fine -gentleman in the play, who,, being charged with baseness by

S 3 his his friend, who told him, he had eat his meat, drank his wine, and lain with his wife, made no other reply, at end of every sentence, but, " Sir, I wear a sword."

Lord Camden, Feb. 7, 1775.

The conduct of the present Crown lawyers put me in mind of a remarkable saying of Lewis the Twelfth of France, that lawyers do with their law as the shoemakers do with their leather; they pinch it, twist it, beat it, and stretch it, till it suits whatever measure they aim at. This is, however, a mea-w sure none os the very ingenious gentlemen of the long robe can bring the most pliant leather of the law exactly to fit. Even Mr. Attorney General, who must, in justice, be allowed the very Crispin of his trade, has found it a job ultra crepidam.

Honourable Temple Lutlrell, May 23, 1776.

I maintain, Sir, that every military commission to serve in the British army, whether in foreign or domestic employ, is from their country, though the nomination depends immediately on the Sovereign, as the executive hand of the State: and when a King of Great Britain bestows any commission whatever, and on whomsoever it may be, from a field marshal to an ensign, it is virtually with the fame implied terms which were so nobly expressed by one of the most enterprising as well as one of the most humane and wisest of the Roman Emperors; "Take this sword" said Trajan, when he presented it as the badge of office to Saburanus, whom he had appointed Prefect of the Pretorian guards: "Remember, it is your duty to use it for my defence while I govern well; if I govern ill, your duty to your country, beyond your duty to me, will oblige you, as a good citizen and an honest man, to use it for my destruction."

Honourable Temple Luttrell, May 23, 1776.


The Greeks and Romans had some wars of the kind that is now carrying on against America by this country. They never gave them the name of rebellions, nor acted against them as alien enemies. The latterj in one of a similar nature, called It the social war. I call this a constitutional war. I fay this war is fraught with innumerable mischiefs. Instead of exacting obedience, it declares nothing but a wish for separation; it meditates open destruction, not coercion. It goes not to the punishment of rebels, and the protection of the innocent. It is made contrary to every rale observed in connections of this kind. Instead of being directed against individuals, who are the supposed authors of this rebellion, it is carried on as if against Tome foreign enemy; war is made on the community at large. In fine, the principle of this bill (the American Prohibitory Act) is to punish the innocents as well as the guilty: but if the principles of the bill be bad, the provisions of it are still worse. To carry it into execution, what are you to do? The framers of this bill, in order to stisle and hide the fixed aversion of the people for the service, have provided that the plunder shall be shared among .the captors, by way of encou✓ ragement. What is this but sacrificing the merchant to the seaman? Again, the glaring cruelty and injustice of such a procedure have induced the friends of the bill to admit some clauses, in order to soften the unexampled rigour of the hardships complained of. Thus the seaman in turn is sacrificed to the merchant. In such a state of uncertainty, what are we to conclude from this heterogeneous mixture of indulgence and severity, by which the merchant is neither sure of his property, nor the seaman of the produce of the capture, when all will be Jaw, litigation, and confusion? It directly calls to my memory the remarkable saying relative to Sir Charles Wager, who, after taking a very valuable prize, arid having her condemned, when the balance came to be si ruck, he found himself a considerable loser. .

Earl of Sbetburne; Dec. 20, *77,J.

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