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I must therefore addrefs you, my friends, in the words of

Horace,

Pol me occidiftis amici,

Cui fic extorta voluptas,

Et demptus per vim, mentis gratiffimus error.

Or nearly in the words of Pope,

Afleep, a patriot of diftinguished note;

Awake, reduced unto a fimple vote.

Thus, Sir, have I endeavoured to fathom the honourable gentleman's three reafons for bringing on his motion at this time. They may indeed go deeper, but I confefs my line will reach no farther. The honourable gentleman may, if he pleases, distinguish them into good, better, best, but I am obliged, malgré moi, to view them in a different light, and therefore must change the honourable gentleman's bonus, melior, optimus, into malus, pejor, peffimus.

But, Sir, though I profess my diflike of this motion as being ill timed, I muft again declare, that I heartily approve of the thing moved for, and hope, at fome proper opportunity, to have the honour of laying before this House fome new hints on the subject, which I have lately received from a very senfible gentleman, who is one of my conftituents. But, at prefent, I shall not mention them; neither fhall I fay any thing, however not much, concerning certain rotten boroughs, out of which so many half-starved rats have crept, as at times had well nigh undermined the foundation of this House.

We may, if we please, call ourselves the representative body of the people; but as I had the honour of observing to you, Sir, upon a former occafion, this House exhibits much fuch a representation of the people, as you yourself do of this House, when you are starving in St. Margaret's church on the 30th of January, and some of your attendants, perhaps, counting the moments of the preacher's fermon. But, Sir, there is an old

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adage, that friends in diftrefs make forrow the lefs, and you have, at least, the comfort of knowing that a ftill more diftinguifhed perfonage than yourself, the great aud learned reprefentative of the House of Peers, is at the fame moment undergoing the fame annual frigid discipline not 100 miles diftant from you.

I beg pardon, Sir, for this digreffion; however, I am perfectly orderly; for I am speaking of unequal representation; but the fubject being too delicate to dwell upon, I shall immediately go back to my point.

Sir, it is notorious that fome worthy members of this House have no conftituents, perhaps only one conflituent, and perhaps themselves both the conftituent and the conftituee. Hence those offenfive expreffions to the ear of independence, "Lord Suchan-one's borough, Mr. Such-an-one's borough." Well, then, might the ingenious member for Kirkwall, alias the hopeful member for Westminster, (for I prefume he is full of hopes of fuccefs), find out that the voice of the people both is, and is not, to be heard in this Houfe. Here, Sir, what is wrong, and what is wanted, muft appear to every man; but how to rectify the wrong, and fupply the want, has puzzled, and will puzzle, much wifer heads than the honourable gentleman's and

mine.

Those gentlemen, indeed, who make no fcruple of voting away rights and charters, may think there is an easy method of getting rid of as many rotten boroughs as they please; but as fome fuch gentlemen represent some fuch boroughs, I am inclined to think, that when it comes to themselves, they will alter their fentiments, and perceive a flagrant injustice in their own cafe, which had no existence where the confiscation of the property of a great refpectable company was to be the effect of their aye or no.

Men of wit may ridicule the idea of Parliamentary Reform, by faying, that a tinker had rather mend a kettle than the Conftitution, and a labourer rather make a faggot than make laws,

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And where is the thing, however excellent, which has not been ridiculed? But as to arguments, I must hear better than any I have yet heard, to convince me that a Parliamentary Reform is not much wanted, and much to be wifhed.

As to the ftale cry of innovation! innovation! it is fo very abfurd, that it is fit only for the lips of his Holiness, or old Mother Goofe. If this plea were to be,admitted, good night to every thing but to ignorance and barbarifm. According to this plea, no one thing that is wrong ought ever to be amended. Nay, the longer abuse and error have exifted, the longer they ought to exift; and the ftate or nation, which has groaned for centuries under any particular grievance, ought to bear the burden of that grievance as long as the world ftands. Even injuftice may be fanctified by time, and oppreffion by being oppreffed.

If this doctrine had always been adhered to, where would have been many of our civil liberties at this day, when we withstood not the imaginary, but the real arbitrary ideas of prerogative, which fome contended for as the very bafis of the Constitution, and which would have made the English diadem as abfolute as that of France? Above all, where would have been that religion, which came down to us ftreaming in the blood of Proteftants, Martyrs, and Confeflors? That religion, which, however despised and ridiculed it may be in this degenerate day of profligacy and diffipation, instead of being afhamed of, we ought to glory in, and to make the rule of all our conduct, both in public and private life.

Overwhelmed by arbitrary power, and funk into the dregs of Popish fuperftition, we should now have had nothing to confole ourselves with but the reflection of having fteered clear of every attempt towards any reformation either in Church or State, for fear of the danger of innovation.

According to this doctrine, the man who has an unhealthy ftate of body ought never to be cured; or, if he fend for the phyfician, the wife doctor fhall shake his head and fay, "To

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be fure, Sir, you are but in a bad way, but I fhall not attempt to adminifter any relief to you. You have been fick fo long, that fick by all means you ought to continue."

Now, Sir, I fuppofe nobody will affirm that there are no difeases in the body politic, as well as in the body natural; and I fuppofe that nobody will deny that the great body politic of this kingdom has been for feveral years paft, (indeed ever fince the Administration of one, whofe name can never be mentioned but with veneration in this Houfe, I need not say I mean the great Earl of Chatham,) in an atrophy, and during the time that the noble Lord in the blue ribband held the reins,

in a galloping confumption. We have tried bleeding long enough, and bleeding with leeches too; I have no objection to try the alterative in queftion, when the body is in a fit ftate to receive it but I am fure, for the reafons already given, that at present it is not; and nobody but an empiric or quack who is totally unskilled in the knowledge of political chemicals and galenicals, will fay that it is.

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If I have talked too long in the medical ftile, I humbly hope the House will pardon me, and I am fure I fhall meet with the indulgence of a learned Lord, I mean the Lord Rector of Glasgow; though, alas! all his prescriptions the other night had no other effect than to procure the eafy difmiffion of his patient without a ftruggle, or without a groan. And I am fure it was to the general fatisfaction of this affembly, that the poor creature went off so easily and fo peaceably. He knew it would be contrary to order for him now to fay any thing of that learned Lord's fpeech; but as the learned Lord was pleased to affert, that when a right honourable Secretary brought in the India bill, he wifhed for neither power nor emolument to himfelf or friends, but that he acted from noble motives, and despised all fuch trifles; he would just take the liberty of obferving, en paffant, that there was an old fable they were all well acquainted with, which fays, "That when Reynard

leapt

leapt very high at the grapes and could not reach them, he fneaked off, and faid they were four."

Now, Sir, after all I have said, on which fide muft I give my voice? I certainly fhall not vote against a measure which I heartily wish, at a proper time, to fee adopted: but as I think this is by no means fuch a time, I shall do, Sir, what you would be very glad to join me in, (but, alas! dignity of office debars you of the privilege), I fhall leave the honourable combatants to fight it out among themselves, and fhall go home and try to get a good night's rest.

You, Sir, have had the repeated pleasure and benefit of hearing every speech which has been delivered on the fubject for fome years paft, and therefore must have made up your mind on the point. But whether you are for a reform in the representation or duration of Parliament, or whether with the noble spouse of the late right honourable Secretary, you think both had better be deferred ad Calendas Grecas, I will anfwer for you, Sir, that you think a reform in the duration of our debates, and I will fay in the duration of our motions too, would be highly praife worthy. And if to these I add a reform in our tempers whilft debating, I believe I fhould be joined by the whole House nem. con.

As, therefore, I began with one faying of the wife man, I fhall end with another,; which is, An angry man firreth up firife, and a furious man aboundeth in tranfgreffion. But a foft anfwer turneth away wrath.

Sir Richard Hill, June 17, 1784.

A noble Lord (Lord North), formerly the Minister of this kingdom, has endeavoured to convince the right honourable Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he is bound no longer, by his engagements to the public, to support a Parliamentary Reform; which, therefore, the noble Lord advises him to relinquifh. Sir, the friends of the right honourable Chancellor are under no apprehenfion that he will take his Lordship's advice,

not

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