and paffing the feptennial bill. Though, perhaps, the particular neceffities of the times might render fuch an act at that day neceffary (a rebellion juft crushed, and a Pretender to the throne, making it highly improper to call the people together at that time) yet that neceffity is now at an end, none of those dangers now hanging over us.

The length of Parliaments gave up that power which the constituents ought to have over their representatives, that of frequent examination into their conduct, and rejection of them if they thought them unworthy.

That long Parliaments gave an opportunity for such an intimacy between the Minifters and the Members, as was always dangerous and deftructive to the Conftitution, is as undeniable, as that the fhortening the duration of Parliaments is fubject to fewer objections, especially if rendered annual, than triennial.

Mr. Sawbridge, April 26, 1771.

Frequent Parliaments, Sir, are the antient conftitution of England, and the right of the people to them from the nature of all delegated power. If a reprefentative acts contrary to the duty of the truft repofed in him at the very first feffion of a Parliament, is it fit that his conftituents fhould be compelled to wait till the end of a tedious period of feven years, before they are to have an opportunity of depriving him of a power he has already abused? I think the cafe I have mentioned, Sir, exactly exifts as to this very Parliament. Gentlemen have talked of the late Parliament in terms of reproach and indignation which fo profligate an affembly merited. But I fear, Sir, the prefent Parliament are treading in the fame fteps which led their predeceffors to the utter hatred of the nation. The people out doors, especially in the capital, make no fcruple to affirm, that the majority of this House have, even thus early, in one great inftance, acted contrary to the plain duty which

they owe to their country, and to the facred truft repofed in them. I allude, Sir, to the contempt fhewn of the petition of fo refpectable a body as the merchants trading to North America; and this they have done in defiance of all the great principles of the Conftitution. I am forry to obferve, that the fear is become very general; that from this very early abuse of their truft, the delegated powers the fame men have fo lately received, for the security and preservation of our rights, will be employed in a course of the next seven years for our deftruction, and that of our fellow subjects in America, and the ruin of our common liberty, notwithstanding the present excellent motion of the honourable gentleman (Mr. Sawbridge) for fhortening the duration of Parliaments. A new argument, Sir, in favour of the motion in your hand, feems at this time to arife from the nature of many of the petitions for undue elections, which have been presented to us this feffion. They complain chiefly of bribery and corruption. Short Parliaments, Sir, if they did not totally eradicate this moft pernicious practice, would certainly greatly diminish the evil; nor at the return of frequent appeals to the People would the public money, in a Minifter's hands, be always adequate to counteract the wishes of the nation; nor the floodgates of the Treasury, being opened in fuch a cafe, afford torrents copious enough to carry away all fenfe of duty to the Conftitution, or love of the country.

I will only trouble you, Sir, with one more fhort obfervation. I look upon this motion as a kind of teft which must come home to our confciences. It cannot fail of meeting, in this House, the support of the true friends of the Constitution, of all who mean to act honestly, as well as the oppofition of the venal and interested, of those who have already forgotten their duty to their constituents, and of those who think lightly of all fuch ties and obligations. Thofe who have merited well of their conftituents will always rejoice at the opportunity of applying for the most frequent proofs of regard and truft, will VOL. II.

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defire

defire and folicit this appeal; who have acted contrary to the clear dictates of their duty, will dread every such occasion, and tremble at the very idea of the spirited indignation with which they would be rejected.

Mr. Wilkes, Feb. 1, 1775.

With all refpect and deference to this honourable House, I affert, that it is an observation of a wifer man than any within these walls, I except not the right honourable personage who again so ably, so worthily, so impartially, and fo`unanimously fills the chair, that to every thing there is a feafon, and a time to every purpose under Heaven.

Perhaps it may not be amifs that I fhould inform fome noble Lords and gentlemen in this auguft affembly, that the words are the words of Solomon, and that they are taken from an obfolete book, commonly called the Bible.

It is, however, much to be feared, that the honourable gentleman (Mr. Sawbridge) who made the motion, notwithstanding all he has been saying, has not paid due regard to those words of the wifeft of men, elfe he would not have chofen the present time to manifeft his zeal for our reformation; a time when fo much public national business calls for our immediate attention. But the ruling paffion will ever be uppermoft; and when a man is tired of every thing elfe, he can mount his own hobby-horse with alacrity.

Sir, I am a cordial friend to a Parliamentary Reform; I mean so far as relates to a more equal representation; I have voted for it; I have spoken according to my poor abilities in favour of it; and I hope to give it my fupport again, whenever I fee it brought forward at a proper time, and in a proper man,

But I folemnly declare, that I think the honourable gentleman's injudicious and ill-timed ardour will greatly hurt the cause he means to defend; infomuch, that if the House comes to a divifion to-night, I doubt whether the honourable gentleman's hobby will carry double: and whenever I act the part of a

Don

Don Quixote, I should be fadly disappointed indeed, if I could not get one poor Sancho Pancha to mount behind me on my Rofinante.

Sir, I have been confidering what could be the honourable gentleman's reasons for bringing on his motion at this time, and the three following have been fuggefted to me:

1. The honourable gentleman might think it would give him a little more importance.

And indeed, when I reflect on the importance of the thing itfelf, and the many difficulties attending the execution of it, the honourable gentleman cannot think I depreciate him, when I affirm, that all the weight and confequence, all the judgement and abilities of this Houfe collectively, are not more than equal to an undertaking of fuch prodigious magnitude,

2. The honourable gentlemen might imagine it would raise his own popularity, and be the means of wiping away from the minds of his constituents what they might perhaps think fome little faux pas in his late conduct.

But I am far from thinking he will be able to gain their favour by this device, or at all raise his popularity among a refpectable body of fenfible, judicious, opulent citizens, from whom I am fure the honourable gentleman has received no inftructions to begin his parliamentary career with an attempt to ftop parliamentary business.

3. The honourable gentleman might think, (I don't say he does fo think, but there are abundance of cogitations in the human mind,) that if his own popularity would be increased by bringing on the motion, that of the Minifter would be leffened by rejecting or poftponing it; notwithstanding the 'honourable gentleman's great politeness and profound humility in offering him the preference in the business. But I must say, that the conduct of the Minifter has been fo uniformly confiftent in favour of a Parliamentary Reform, that all attempts to injure him on that score must appear poor and futile indeed. And I am perfuaded, that if he were now to begin on a bufi

nefs fo arduous in itself, and which muft neceffarily be at tended with so many obstructions, that instead of making himfelf more popular, he would justly rouze the popular indignation against him.

Would it not be faid on all fides, what is to become of loan and taxes? What of public credit? What of commerce? And, after all, what is to become of India?

Instead of difputing by whom parliamentary business ought to be done, why don't we proceed to the immediate doing of parliamentary business?

Such, Sir, would be the language both within and without doors, were the Minifter, at this bufy crifis, to bring on any projects for a reform of Parliament. And I am fure the honourable gentleman himself is of opinion there are many things which may be very fit and proper to be done at one time, which at another he would think extremely inexpedient and mal-a-propros.

To particularife only in an instance in familiar life. I have heard that the honourable gentleman is remarkably fond of whift, and that he is so excellent a player, that he can correct even Hoyle himself: yet, if a few friends were to come to the honourable gentleman's house in the middle of the night, knock up all his family, awaken him out of a found fleep, and insist upon his immediately getting up and playing a rubber at his favourite game, might he not well anfwer: "My friends, "what are you about? Are you out of your fenfes? Whilst "I love, and will play as many rubbers as you please to-mor"row evening; but fleep is now the thing that I want, and "that my conftitution wants alfo."

Befides, the honourable gentleman might perhaps add, "You have difturbed me in a moft pleafing dream, wherein "methought I was in the Houfe of Commons, and methought we were dividing on my motion for a Parliamentary Re"form, and methought I had a majority of more than 200."

I must