At the end of the acobfervetion, contained The war in the Car

diftricts of land; how can money be recovered from thofe who have none to give? Have not these people been driven from their poffeffions, and made the victims of cruel and unjust wars? And how can it be expected that they should be able to answer this enormous demand? count of these debts, there is a curious in a nota bene, to the following effect: natic will delay the payment of these debts, and must have rendered many others of them precarious, fo that the exact value of them cannot be afcertained." After this beginning, will not the House imagine that the account is going to say, that fome particular part of the fum, fuch as a 5th, an 8th, or a 10th of these fums, might be recovered? but the account, inftead of faying any fuch thing, goes on, and fays, "but the above fums are undoubtedly due to the Company." These debts, put together, will amount to 2,822,310l.; and to this fum I am refolved to object, as unfit to be inserted in an account of means to answer the Company's preffing demands. No doubt they are due; and if the Company are to go on for five years more, five times the fum might, and probably would, from the experience of past times, be as fairly due; and from thence it would be in the power of those who have the hardiness to impose upon the public by such an account, to fhew the Company in a better fituation every year, as their debts increase, and foon have it in their power to prove the flourishing state of the Company, by stating the debts of the Nabob at twice 900,000l., and those of Afoph ul Dowla at double the present fum. But it is your business to interfere to prevent that species of profperity from gaining farther than it has hitherto gone, and to ftem those torrents of blood which must flow, if the attempt is made to procure them; an attempt which muft end in wafting more money (fetting confideraitons of humanity afide) than the amount of them would repay. To estimate the property of the Company in this way is most fallacious. In proportion as they opprefs-as

they rack-as they are guilty of weakness in the first inftance, and of violence in the second, their debts will increase; and even when they are more deeply involved, they may by such accounts fhew themselves to be on paper more flourishing. But fuch debts are not available property, and cannot be estimated.

"Debts due by the Company in Madras, 31ft Aug. 1782, including arrears to the military, 821,1641."

This article has increased fince, and the right honourable gentleman oppofite [Mr. Pitt] knows it; it was a fecret difclosed to the Treasury, when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, I doubt not, he will not deny it.

By these difallowances I reduce the balance of quick stock at Madras 2,078,0781. to little more than 500,000l.

"Of the quick stock at Bencoolen, confifting of the difference between cafh and effects, and the debts owing by the Company, amounting on the 10th of March, 1783, to a balance in favour of the Company of 189,0361."

I allow only the odd 89,000l., the other 100,000l. being exhaufted in the expence of the establishment, and therefore on the footing of warehouses. Not convertible, unless they give up trade-consequently not applicable to present relief.

The quick ftock at St. Helena, 27,6181. allowed on the fame principle.

The quick stock in China, 132,5961. I allow, because confifting of goods, and there we have no territories nor establishment to maintain. .

"Quick stock at Bombay, 15th Sept. 1782, valuing the rupee at 2s. 6d. Cash and bills 24,6631.” I allow.

"Goods provided for Europe, 95, 1451." Of this I difallow 32,000l. put on board two fhips that failed after the date here taken, and which is included in the prior ftatement of goods in warehouses; and I also take the freight and demurrage, to be paid on their arrival in England, 148,003l. for military and naval stores, difallowed for reafons formerly given.

The debts due to the Company of 891,0691. I doubt of as much as of the unfecured part of Ragobah's debt, for the reasons already stated. By these deductions, the debt due by the Company at Bombay amounts to 2,000,000l. inftead of 1,790,000l.

There is an additional arrear to be taken as due to the army in India, beyond what the account states of 140,000l. They alfo owe to the Nizam, 30 lacks of rupees, which is 300,000l. totally omitted. Befides these fums, which amount in the whole to 9,400,000l., there is to be added the fum due to the Proprietors of 3,200,000l., which make the fum in the whole more than 12,000,000l., which I pledge myself to exhibit in objection to their account.

There are other inaccuracies in their statement, which make confiderable difference in its truth, but into which I have not particularly entered. It was alledged that the fum of 400,000l. lately paid by the Company to Government, was as a price for the renewal of their charter. It was no fuch thing they paid it as a debt due to the country, and fo it was confidered.

The peace with the Mahrattas has been held out by the friends and agents of that great man, Mr. Haftings, a man, who, by disobeying the orders of his employers, has made himfelf fo great, as to be now able to mix in every question of state, and make every measure of Government a perfonal point in which he has a share. The peace with the Mahrattas was held out fo favourable to this country, that every good was to be derived from it. What faid the laft advices to that? Read the laft Gazette. In the very moment that an honourable gentleman, whose zeal and ardour carries him generally too far, was loud in declaring that all was peace in India, and congratulating the Proprietors on the profperous fituation of their affairs, came home the dispatches contained in the last Gazette. Let the House learn from that Gazette, the preffing occafion for an immediate reform of the Government of India. Let them

C 3

.

them fee the caufe of the difafters recorded in thofe direful dispatches-a quarrel among the officers on the common theme of India-the divifion of the spoils, the difpofal of the plunder, taken from the natives! They will learn from the Gazette, that our army has lost all fubordination, as they have learnt from other publications, that our civil government in India has loft all energy. And in addition to this information, I will read a letter from Mr. Anderfon, ftating, that the Peshwa and Madajee Scindia proposed that they should enter into an alliance with the Company to strip Tippoo Saib of his territo ries, and make a partition of them between the three. This propofition appears to be acceptable to Mr. Haftings; and it is therefore reasonable to fuppofe, or to fear, that a new war is actually raging at this time in India.

Does the House know of the difputes in our prefidencies, as well as in the army? That Lord Macartney, that great and exalted man, the only man who paid obedience to his conftituents, is at this time, perhaps removed, confined perhaps, and doomed to fuffer the fate of Lord Pigot? Will they not remember, that, by the peace with France, we have engaged not to make war with their allies in India? and that if this new engagement is entered into with the Mahrattas, it will be to all purposes a new war, and confequently that we may involve ourselves again against France, and revive war in every part of Europe? These are important confiderations.

It is faid that this bill is an invafion of the chartered rights. Undoubtedly it is;-but will gentlemen fay, that fuch infringements are not warrantable? Have they not been frequently infringed before? when the votes of the 5col. StockProprietors were cut off-and in various other inftances. Is this to be called an infringement of their charters, fo enormous and violent, when they have broken the conditions of the charter and agreement? Do the House know, if this bill should be thrown out, which, by the by, I do not believe it will, that the Treafury can in a fortnight afterwards enter the premises

premifes of the Eaft-India Company with an extent, and take legal poffeffion of all that they are worth in the world?

But neceffity is faid to be the plea of tyranny; it was alfo the plea of freedom. The refolution, which established the rights and liberties of these kingdoms, was undertaken and accomplished-nay was justified at the time, on the plea of neceffity; a neceffity that superseded all law, and was the glorious means of giving liberty to England. On the prefent occafion, has it not been agreed on all hands that fome measure of reguJation and reform was neceffary with respect to India. Nay, has not a right honourable gentleman oppofite to me [Mr. Pitt] and his friends been loud in calling out for a system, complete and well digefted? Have they not faid, no palliatives, no half measures! Let the learned gentlemen oppofite [Mr. Dundas] fay how any effectual reform in the conduct of the India Company's affairs could be made without touching their charter. Does the prefent bill offer more violence to it than the bill proposed laft year! In what lies the difference? That bill aimed at lodging an abfolute and defpotic power of governing in India. This provides a controlable government; but it is a powerful government, and it is at home. To give power is generally confidered as a dangerous delegation; but it becomes the more dangerous in proportion as it is lodged at a distance. A virtuous and a wife man may lofe his principles and his understanding in India. Difeafe and luxury may co-operate to enervate; the fight of wealth within reach may win to rapacity, and the once-pure mind, weakened by climate and example, may be betrayed to corruption and plunder. The temptation is not fo great in England. The Commiffioners are to act at hand, and to be under the immediate eye of Parliament. Where, then, is the danger fo loudly trumpeted forth to the world, and fo induftriously made the fubject of popular clamour? But befides the objection to the Commiffioners being named by Parliament, the great one is, the influence it is to give to the Crown. This I deny.

C 4