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fiderable detachment to Madras by land. It was immediately formed, and joined Sir Eyre Coote before his fecond general action with Hyder; nor can I conceive, that the late Houfe of Commons condemned the tranfaction, that the march of this great detachment through the territories of Modajee Boofla was purchased too dearly by the fum of money given to his fon Chemnajee. From that period every poffible affistance was afforded by the Supreme Council to the government of Madras; and after a variety of fucceffes in a most difficult and arduous war, our army was hefieging the French forces in Cuddalore, when intelligence of the peace arrived in India. I believe in my conscience, that peace has faved the country; but was any poffible exertion neglected by Mr. Haftings to feed and to pay the army at Madras, or to enable the Bombay forces to make that diverfion which at the most critical moment of the war drew Tippoo Saib out of the Carnatic? The honourable gentleman, however, has paffed in filence over the dangers we escaped, paffed in filence over the difficulties we furmounted, and fays, we have not peace with Tippoo Saib! I am not afraid of committing myself by saying, that I believe we have peace with Tippoo Saib, and that I believe he is utterly unable to continue the war. I believe alfo, that his only chance for fafety is in peace. But admitting for a moment that it is not concluded, have we a Mahratta war now to support? Have we feventeen fail of the line, and fix thousand land forces belonging to France, opposed to us? Or is Tippoo Saib now in the heart of the Carnatic? We never can have fuch a combination to struggle with again; and I repeat it, that putting together the intelligence from Tanjore and from Bufforah, I believe that at this moment the peace with Tippoo is concluded. Without wifhing to fay any thing that may give offence, let us confider how the war has ended in different quarters of the globe; in Europe we have loft Minorca; in America, thirteen provinces and the two Floridas; in the West Indies, Tobago and fome fettlements in Africa. We

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have contracted a debt of one hundred millions and upwards, and have loft above a hundred thousand men, but in India we have preferved all our former poffeffions, and we have yielded up Chandenagore, and all the French fettlements in Bengal. We have yielded Pondicherry, Carical, and every fettlement. We have conquered from the French upon the coafts of Coromandel and the Malabar. We have given back to the Dutch, Chenfurah, Calcapore, and their fettlements on their coafts, Negapatnam excepted. I should rather fay, this nation has given up, and wifely given up the conquefts of the East-India Company, to prevent farther sacrifices where they would have been more felt by the public. We have contracted a debt during this long and arduous war, not equal to one year of our net revenues; and fhall the Company be filed a burden upon the State, or fhall its fervants, who have exerted themfelves fo meritoriously, be calumniated, inftead of receiving the praise due to their merit? But the honourable gentleman fays, we have no fecurity that economy will be practifed in Bengal, except we argue in favour of future obedience from paft difobedience. If the fact is fo, why in the name of God do we not remove thofe men who will not obey our orders? Was Mr. Haftings in the way of any scheme of reformation? Had he not expreffly and anxiously written to defire that a fucceffor might be fent out? I appeal to the noble Lord in the blue ribband, whether it had not invariably been the language of Mr. Haftings, "remove me, or confirm me; the government of India fhould be fupported by the government at home; and if you will not give me your confidence, recall me." I earnestly hope, that if His Majefty's Minifters, or if the Court of Directors, will not give their confidence to Mr. Haftings, they will inftantly remove him. I hope, if they conceive that he will not rigidly execute every order they fend to him relative to œconomical retrenchments, that they will inftantly remove him. I have heard this language of Mr. Haftings's difobedience repeated in speeches; I have feen it inferted in pamphlets

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pamphlets and newspapers; but when gentlemen are pushed upon the subject, they are obliged to have recourse to the ftale charge of not fending Mr. Briftow to Oud, and Mr. Fowke to Benares. And here I must say, that whether Mr. Haftings is to be continued or not, or whoever goes out to fucceed him, the government of India muft be in India, and this Houfe muft give up the ridiculous idea of appointing gentlemen to minifterial offices, either from Leadenhall Street, or this end of the town. The fyftem is new, and deftructive in the extreme, of pointing out to their governments in India who they fhall employ in offices of trust and importance. Will the honourable gentleman, or will any other honourable gentleman, point out a fingle order fent from this country relative to œconomical retrenchments which have been difobeyed in the last three years? There is, indeed, a difference of opinion between Mr. Haftings and the Directors, relative to the duration of contracts; but that is of a very old date, and will make no difference to the prefent argument. I fhall now briefly ftate my ideas of what could be done in Bengal. The Houfe had authentic official advice, that the army in Bengal had been confiderably reduced; they knew that Colonel Morgan's detachment was, on the 23d of January, within twelve Cofs of Gualior; confequently that by the ift of February it would be in the ranks of the Jumna, when it was inftantly to be reduced. Admitting the peace not to be concluded with Tippoo, the fervices of the Bengal detachment at Madras were no longer neceffary. I therefore believe, that by the ift of May every military expence of the Bengal army was brought within one hundred and ten lacks a year. It is the duty of the Court of Directors not to trust merely to this, but to point specifically the reductions that should be made, and to take care that the expence they authorize is not exceeded. The civil disbursements are eftimated at more than thirty-nine lacks, including the expence of the Supreme Court of Judicature; but allowing fifty lacks for the civil charges and the marine, allowing twenty-one

lacks

laeks for stipends, and twenty lacks for coutingencies, beyond the very high rate at which I have ftated the disbursements, and from the net revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Oriffa; Benares, Vizier's fubfidy, and the profit upon falt and opium, including also the sale of our imports, there will still remain a furplus of above one hundred and fifty-nine lacks of rupees, for the purchase of future investments, for paying the intereft of the bonded debts of India, and for a gradual liquidation of the principal.

In ftating the fubfidy of the Vizier, I confine myself to the two lacks and fixty thousand rupees a month, which he pays for a complete brigade by the treaty of 1775. But his Excellency is alfo engaged to pay seventy thousand rupees a month for every regiment of Sepoys which he may choose to station in his dominions, beyond the complete brigade, and a fixed fum for the Ordnance department. At present there are fix regiments upon this fubfidy in the Vizier's dominions, which is fo far a faving to the Company. If at any future period (of which I have no idea) the Vizier fhould wish to recal all our forces from Oud, their line of defence will be circumfcribed, and a proportional reduction of the army must take place; and when we are again brought within the banks of the Carumnaffa, eighty lacks of rupees will amply provide for as large an army as will be ueceffary for our complete defence; I perfectly agree with the honourable gentleman, that from Bengal the intereft of the bond debts in India must be paid, and the principal liquidated, whenever it is liquidated: yet I have the authority of Lord Macartney for fuppofing, that on the re-establishment of peace, the Carnatic will bear its own expences, and furnish a cargo for Europe. I hope it will be fo, and then it will be a relief to Bengal, which I have not yet calculated. I did intend to have made a few remarks upon the Report of the Select Committee before us, and to have noticed two or three very glaring errors; but I fhall leave this to other gentlemen, as I am of opinion obfervations will not escape them. I have the

highest

highest opinion of the integrity, ability, and impartiality of the gentlemen who compofe the Committee; but this is an additional proof of the abfurdity of a Committee of this House entering upon the detail of an Indian account without having a fingle gentleman among them who, from local knowledge and long experience, can be enabled to point out to them the neceffary papers and documents which they should refer to. Major Scott, July 2, 1784.

FREEDOM

OF

ELECTION.

It is well known, that by the Conftitution of this kingdom

all elections, of whatever nature, ought to be made with the utmost freedom.-We have many laws, both ancient and modern, for eftablifhing the freedom of elections, and for pre. venting any undue influence that may be made, either by money, by threats, or by promifes, upon the electors. The very nature of the thing requires it should be fo; for every man who is allowed a vote at any election, is, by law, prefumed capable of determining within himself who is the most proper person for that poft, office, or employment, to which he is to elect; and if he be directed in his voting, either by money, by threats, or by promises, it is he who directs that is properly the elector, and not he who is made the tool upon that occafion; by which means, that election, which by law ought to be made by a great number of perfons, may come to be directed, and, confequently, made by one single man.

Therefore, my Lords, it always has been deemed to be a maxim of the common law of England, that elections fhall be freely and regularly made, without any interruption whatever;

and

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