combinations; seconded by a coup d'œil, the most accurate and just, by the rarest degree of sang froid, and by a courage such as it best becomes a sovereign to display. The fury-tending tactics of Bonaparte have entirely overthrown the art of war; battles are now no longer any thing but butcheries; it is not, as formerly, by sparing the blood of the soldiers, that a campaign is terminated; but, in fact, by making that blood flow in torrents."

We entered Berlin at eight o'clock in the evening. As soon as the report was spread of General Moreau's arrival in that capital, the streets which terminated at his hotel, and the rampart which fronted it, were filled by a great multitude, who testified their joy by huzzas a thousand times repeated. We quitted Berlin next day at noon, ac companied by a still more considerable multitude than that which had welcomed us the evening before.

On our way, we found in each town and village, deserters from the French army, mostly Germans and Italians, who all begged to serve among the allied troops. Among them we found a single veteran who had served under Moreau; the rest were all but very young. This brave man recognized, with tears in his eyes, his former General, and assured him that his memory was deeply engraven in the hearts of the French soldiers, and also that Napoleon was so sensible of this, that he had forbidden, under pain of death, that any one should utter the name of Moreau in the army, and declared that nothing was more false than the rumour of his arrival on the Continent. The veteran added, that there now remained very few soldiers who had fought in the former campaigns on the Rhine; that the greater part had perished in Russia, and that the small number of those who had escaped that disastrous campaign, was daily diminishing, on account of the necessity which existed of placing the veterans in front, in order to animate and sustain the boys of whom the greater part of Bonaparte's army was composed.'

The farther journey of Moreau, and his interview with the Emperor Alexander, are next described, but in a tone, it must be confessed, of considerable exaggeration. M. Svinine, however, performs an useful service in correcting the common notion that the proclamation dated 17th August 1813, and said to be signed by Moreau in the capacity of Major-General in the Russian service, proceeded from the pen of that commander. At the date in question, Moreau was at Prague, and had moreover stipulated with the Emperor Alexander that he should merely attend his person without bearing any ostensible title. Another error of more importance is the notion that the plan of the campaign of 1813, and particularly of the attack on Dresden, was formed by Moreau, who had in fact arrived at head quarters only on the 16th, the evening before the rupture of the armistice.

Moreau had always been in the habit of exposing himself to personal danger; and the lapse of years seems to have made very little alteration in this part of his character:

• The

The attack on Dresden commenced at four o'clock in the afternoon, 26th August, and towards evening became very serious; the town was seen to be on fire in twelve places. At eight o'clock, the General made a sign to me to follow him, and we descended into the valley, where the Austrian cavalry was ranged in order of battle. He went along the front of the columns with the greatest rapidity, in the midst of bullets and bombs which fell on all sides, and stopt only to speak to General Chateler, who received him with every demonstration of the most lively interest and respect. The General then moved further in advance, to reconnoitre the batteries of the enemy. We ever experience, when near a hero, a feeling of assurance; this sentiment, in the present instance, hindered me from re. flecting on the perils that surrounded me; but seeing with what temerity Moreau exposed himself, and feeling of what high value his life was to us, I warmly expressed to him my fears, conjuring him to think on the deep sorrow which would be spread among the allies by the loss of the man on whom so many of their hopes rested. He listened to me, and resolved to return and be near the Emperor. We were lighted on our way by the flames of Dresden then burning, and by the explosion of the bombs which fell at some distance from us. We found the Emperor Alexander uneasy respecting what had become of Moreau. The latter gave his Imperial Majesty an account of the positions of the enemy at all points."

The manner of his death is too well known to need description here: but the following circumstance deserves to be noticed:

• Events had succeeded each other in such rapidity, that the General had not had time to publish a proclamation which he addressed to the French nation, and which his Majesty approved. It bore simply this title; "General Moreau to the French.' It was short, plain, and energetic, as was every thing he wrote. In it he explained the object of his arrival on the continent, which was to aid the French in withdrawing themselves from the dreadful despotism of Bonaparte; he there announced that he came to sacrifice, if need were, his life, to restore repose and happiness to a country which had never ceased to be dear to him; he ended by calling all the true and faithful sons of France to the standards of independence."

The duty of criticism seems, in the case of M. Svinine, to require little else than the caution already given, that his tract is composed in a strain of continued panegyric: but, in the case of Mr. Philippart, the delinquencies are more serious. His book overflows with errors in dates and facts of the first importance; such as in representing (p. 9.) the Duke of Brunswick and General Pichegru as cotemporary commanders; in calling the Executive power in France in 1794 the Directory; in exhibiting the Austrians in 1796 (p. 50.) as under the necessity of "abandoning to the mercy of the French" four fortresses on the Rhine, all of which made a successful resistance, and were relieved in the course of a couple of months. No

notice whatever is taken of the military operations of 1795; and, in the account of Jourdan's retreat in 1796, a similar silence is observed regarding the battle of Wurtzburg, the most important event that occurred in it. While the memorable battle of Hohenlinden is passed over (p. 177.) in a few lines, the defence of Kehl is allowed to occupy thirty pages; for no other reason, as far as we can judge, than that the author found it very convenient to translate the circumstantial report of that operation which was given by General Dedon. The attack by the Austrians on Jourdan near Amberg in August 1796, of which the date was of the greatest importance both to Moreau's subsequent operations and to an estimate of his conduct, is stated to have happened on the 28th instead of the 18th. After all these proofs of news-paper plagiarism and incorrectness, it is amusing to find Mr. Philippart gravely asserting, in his preface, that he has consulted only such authorities as he could, with confidence rely on;' and adding with great modesty that he has drawn together all the events connected with the life of General Moreau, and embodied them with the utmost fidelity and circumspection.'

Although we do not carry our admiration of the retreat of 1796 so far as many persons do, our qualified encomium of this particular operation is not to be considered in the light of a dissent from the general opinion of the high military talents of Moreau. Nothing, we believe, but a course of years and experience was wanting to approximate him to our own Marlborough, or to the first name in the annals of French tactics, Turenne. The active part of Moreau's career was concluded at the age of thirty-nine; an age at which those, who are aware of the complicated labours of a General, will be disposed to consider the mind as only beginning to arrive at a familiarity with the duties of a situation which, of all others, seems to demand the most intense application of intellect. The events of the last two years have in a great measure led to a true estimate of the reputation of Bonaparte, and have brought back the world to the sober conclusion that true generalship is not to be obtained at the early period of life in which he began to lead his columns to slaughter. In like manner, the military student, on comparing the tactics of Moreau in the years 1796 and 1800, will be forcibly struck with the improvement produced by the operation of his good sense and reflection, after an interval of some years had encouraged him to depart from the coarse routine of his revolutionary colleagues. The campaign of 1796 was, with the exception of the retreat, a mere succession of battles; while that of 1800 afforded, in skilful movements and concealed marches, a diversity equally gratifyREV. OCT. 1814.

ing

ing to the tactician and to the friend of humanity. The history of Marlborough offers no example of such inequalities, because that admirable commander rose step by step, and was not placed at the head of an army until the maturity of years relieved him from the necessity of guarding against the errors of youth. It is reasonable, therefore, to suppose that, had Moreau been spared to direct the operations of the allied forces in the late campaign, he would have exhibited many proofs of improved tactics. Independently of this consideration, a general disposition prevails among military men on the Continent to rank him with the very first commanders of the age; and to qualify their admiration only by the admission of a certain degree of irresolution, which was perhaps apparent at the time of the first intelligence of Jourdan's check in August 1796, but more particularly in the case of the unfortunate conspiracy against Bonaparte in the spring of 1804.-To conclude; if Moreau's exploits partook not of the character of wonderful, it may safely be asserted that, of all the French Generals who have borne important commands, he was the most likely to sustain and extend that reputation which, sooner or later, infallibly forsakes the military adventurer who, like the late ruler of France, tempts Fortune, or seeks to raise a structure on any other basis than that of deliberate and prudent calculation.

ART. XII. Tracts on Delirium Tremens, on Peritonitis, and on some other internal inflammatory Affections, and on the Gout. By T. Sutton, M.D., late Physician to the Forces, &c. 8vo. pp. 272. Underwood. 1813.

THE

HE object of the first of the tracts composing this volume is to bring into view a form of disease which, if not absolutely unnoticed by preceding writers, has at least not met with that degree of attention which its importance seems to require. This disease, to which Dr. Sutton gives the name of Delirium Tremens, has been confounded with phrenitis: but he conceives that it is sufficiently characterised both by its cause and its symptoms to constitute a distinct variety. He first noticed this peculiar affection of the head during his residence of nine years on the east coast of Kent; where, from local circumstances, it is not an unfrequent occurrence. The symptoms are thus detailed:

Frequently the attacks of this disease do not come on suddenly; but for some days previously the patient complains of being unwell, with loathing of food, listlessness, debility, and want of comfortable ⚫rest. He has pain in the head, and sometimes vomits, and appears to be dull and dejected. The pulse, in the commencement of

the disease, in its ordinary occurrence, is by no means quick; but may frequently be observed with a sort of unsteady, nervous Auttering: there is not much heat on the skin; and the tongue is generally furred, but moist. In this stage of the disease, the patient feels very little disposition to lie down for any length of time; but is ever uneasy, and desirous of a change of position; and there is a general agitation of the frame, with tremors of the hands. Associated with these, the mind is perceived to waver; and, if the disease proceeds, this becomes every day more manifest. In others, a state such as described continues for some time, and wears off..

As the complaint advances, the symptoms grow more confirmed and aggravated; especially the obvious one from which the name is derived: the faculties become totally confused, and all the functions of the nervous system much deranged; yet little or no febrile affection is to be observed. Respecting the cause of the disease, it seems to be uniformly and solely the excessive use of spirituous liquors; and it is from the facility with which the inhabitants of the Kentish coast are able to procure smuggled spirits, that the malady was so frequent in this district. It may be supposed that the proximate cause of it consists in some morbid change of the brain and nervous system, but what that morbid change is we are totally ignorant.

With regard to its connection with idiopathic phrenitis, and the method of discriminating between the two diseases, the author remarks that Delirium Tremens does not commence with fever, and that it comes on in a very gradual manner.

In this delirium there is no great intolerance of light, though the parties attending such a person will cause the windows to be closed, because light increases the desire for exertion. The disease is constantly associated with considerable tremors from its very commencement, and in its least violent state, which are not considered as necessary attendants on phrenitis.'

These tremors, which form so essential a part of the disease described by Dr. Sutton, are occasionally observed in proper phrenitis, but here they appear to be less constantly present, and to exist in a much less degree: so that, while in phrenitis they have been overlooked, or only casually mentioned, in the new disease they are among the most constant and remarkable of the symptoms. We think that the distinction between mania and Delirium Tremens is not very well made

Dr. Sutton's observation that the mind, in Delirium Tremens, is occupied and worried about private affairs, only indicates that the derangement exists in a less perfect degree, and is not to be considered as depending on any thing peculiar in the state of the mental faculties.

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